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Friday, August 29, 2008

CIA bombs in Europe (How can you rape a whore?)

Terrorism in Western Europe: An Approach to NATO’s Secret Stay-Behind Armies
by Daniele Ganser


Recent research has revealed secret armies have existed across Western Europe during the Cold War.

Coordinated by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO), they were run by the European military secret services in close cooperation
with the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the British foreign secret service
Secret Intelligence Service (SIS, also MI6). Trained together with US Green Berets
and British Special Air Service (SAS), these clandestine NATO soldiers, armed with
underground arms-caches, prepared against a potential Soviet invasion and occupation
of Western Europe, as well as the coming to power of communist parties. The
clandestine international network covered the European NATO membership, including
Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Luxemburg, Netherlands,
Norway, Portugal, Spain, and Turkey, as well as the neutral European countries of
Austria, Finland, Sweden, and Switzerland.

The existence of these clandestine NATO armies remained a closely guarded
secret throughout the Cold War until 1990, when the first branch of the international
network was discovered in Italy. It was code-named “Gladio,” the Latin word for a
short double-edged sword. While the press claimed the NATO secret armies were
“the best-kept, and most damaging, political-military secret since World War II,”
the Italian government, amidst sharp public criticism, promised to close down the
secret army.

Italy insisted identical clandestine armies had also existed in all other
countries of Western Europe. This allegation proved correct and subsequent research
found that in Belgium, the secret NATO army was code-named SDRA8, in Denmark
Absalon, in Germany TD BDJ, in Greece LOK, in Luxemburg Stay-Behind, in the
Netherlands I&O, in Norway ROC, in Portugal Aginter, in Switzerland P26, in
Turkey Counter-Guerrilla, and in Austria OWSGV. However, the code names of the
secret armies in France, Finland, Spain, and Sweden remain unknown.
Upon learning of the discovery, the parliament of the European Union (EU)
drafted a resolution sharply criticizing the fact:

Dr. Daniele Ganser is a Senior Researcher at the Center for Security Studies, ETH Zurich, Switzerland.70 GANSER

The Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations

these organisations operated and continue to operate completely outside the law since they
are not subject to any parliamentary control [and] called for a full investigation into the
nature, structure, aims and all other aspects of these clandestine organisations.

Yet only Italy, Belgium, and Switzerland carried out parliamentary investigations,
while the administration of President George H. W. Bush refused to comment, being
in the midst of preparations for the war against Saddam Hussein in the Persian Gulf,
and fearing potential damages to the military alliance.

After World War Two, the idea to create secret armies was based on the fear of
a communist invasion and occupation, or the take over of power by the Communist
parties in Western Europe. The network was designed after the British Special
Operations Executive (SOE), created by Winston Churchill in 1940 to assist resistance
movements and carry out subversive operations in enemy held territory. According
to the investigation of the Belgian Senate, preparations for unorthodox warfare
continued after World War Two and preceded the creation of NATO.

As of 1948,
the so-called Clandestine Committee of the Western Union (CCWU) united senior
officers of European military secret services in order to coordinate secret anti-
communist warfare. After the creation of NATO in 1949, the CCWU was secretly
integrated into NATO, and as of 1951, operated under the label Clandestine Planning
Committee (CPC). Next to the CPC, a second secret army command center, labeled
Allied Clandestine Committee (ACC), was set up in 1957 on the orders of NATO’s
Supreme Allied Commander in Europe (SACEUR). This military structure provided
for significant US leverage over the secret stay-behind networks in Western Europe
as the SACEUR, throughout NATO’s history, has traditionally been a US General
who reports to the Pentagon in Washington and is based in NATO’s Supreme
Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) in Mons, Belgium. The ACC’s duties
included elaborating on the directives for the network, developing its clandestine
capability, and organizing bases in Britain and the United States. In wartime, it was
to plan stay-behind operations in conjunction with SHAPE.

According to former CIA director William Colby, it was “a major program.”7

In order to guarantee a solid anti-communist ideology of its recruits, the CIA
and MI6 generally relied on men of the conservative political Right. At times, former
Nazis and right-wing terrorists were also recruited. With the beginning of the “war
on terrorism,” in the wake of the terrorist attacks on the United States on September
11, 2001, secret extremist networks with a potential for violence are attracting
renewed attention. Islamist terrorist organizations such as the Jemaah Islamiah in
Indonesia, the Hamas in Palestine, or variations of the international Al Qaida of
Osama Bin Laden, as well as terrorist left-wing organizations such as the Fuerzas
Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) in Colombia are once again in the
spotlight. In this context, the secret NATO armies are also being rediscovered. Two
questions dominate the research. First, in which countries did the secret armies exist?
And second, were they or are they linked to terrorist operations? Above all, the
second question is very difficult to answer, as researchers are faced with numerous
obstacles, including the classification or destruction of relevant documents. What
follows can therefore by no means be an exhaustive analysis of the NATO secret
armies, but rather a very general first overview of the different national branches,
as well as a summary of reports concerning the potential links of these armies to


Italian judge Felice Casson discovered the secret NATO army in summer 1990
in Rome while researching acts of right-wing terrorism in the archives of the Italian
military secret service. He concluded that in Italy there were clear links to terrorist
operations. During the Cold War, the United States and Great Britain feared the
strong Italian Communist Party (PCI), in alliance with the Italian Socialist Party
(PSI), might weaken NATO from within. Therefore, as Judge Casson explained in a
British Broadcasting Corporation documentary on Gladio, a strategy of tension was
employed to weaken the political parties on the left, in Italy, and beyond.

That’s to say, to create tension within the country to promote conservative, reactionary social
and political tendencies. While this strategy was being implemented, it was necessary to
protect those behind it because evidence implicating them was being discovered. Witnesses
withheld information to cover right-wing extremists.

According to Casson, the best documented case of this complicated and demonic
strategy of tension occurred in the village Peteano in 1972 where three members of
the Italian paramilitary police, the Carabinieri, had been killed by a car bomb. For
many years, this terrorist attack was blamed on the Italian left-wing terror organization
Red Brigades until Casson reopened the case and found right-wing terrorist Vincenzo
Vinciguerra had carried out the crime. Casson arrested Vinciguerra, who on trial in
1984 testified it had been comparatively easy for him to escape and hide because
large segments of the Italian security apparatus had shared his anti-communist
convictions, and therefore silently supported crimes that discredited the Left. After
the bombing, Vinciguerra recalled,

A whole mechanism came into action…the Carabinieri, the Minister of the Interior,
the customs services, and the military and civilian intelligence services accepted the
ideological reasoning behind the attack.

Vinciguerra explained at his trial in 1984,

With the massacre of Peteano and with all those that have followed, the knowledge should
by now be clear that there existed a real live structure, occult and hidden, with the capacity
of giving a strategic direction to the outrages. [This structure] lies within the state itself.
There exists in Italy a secret force parallel to the armed forces, composed of civilians and
military men, in an anti-Soviet capacity, that is, to organise a resistance on Italian soil
against a Russian army.

With this far-reaching testimony, Vinciguerra revealed the existence of the Gladio
secret army and linked it to terrorism, insisting what he was describing was “a secret
organisation, a super-organisation with a network of communications, arms, and
explosives, and men trained to use them.” As a right-wing terrorist, Vinciguerra
insisted this super-organisation,
lacking a Soviet military invasion which might not happen, took up the
task, on NATO’s behalf, of preventing a slip to the left in the political balance of the
country. This they did, with the assistance of the official secret services and the political
and military forces.

Based on this testimony of Vinciguerra and the findings of Casson, numerous
Italians, above all on the political Left, are convinced today that Gladio was a terrorist
organization and both the CIA and NATO have promoted terror in their country.
Supported by Judge Casson, a group of Italian parliamentarians under the presidency
of Senator Giovanni Pellegrini, investigated Gladio and in 1995 presented a 370
page long public report in which they cautiously confirmed that the “CIA [had]
enjoyed maximum discretion” in Italy during the Cold War.

In 2000, a second
parliamentary investigation into Gladio carried out by the leftist Gruppo Democratici
di Sinistra concluded in a more outspoken fashion the strategy of tension had been
supported by the United States in order to “stop the PCI, and to a certain degree also
the PSI, from reaching executive power in the country.”14
Those massacres, those bombs, those military actions had been organised or promoted or
supported by men inside Italian state institutions and, as has been discovered more
recently, by men linked to the structures of United States intelligence.

General Giandelio Maletti, a former head of Italian counterintelligence, in March
2001, confirmed the CIA might have promoted terrorism in Italy. After the so-
called Piazza Fontana massacre, which in 1969 had killed sixteen and wounded
eighty, parts of the bomb had been planted in the villa of well known leftist editor
Giangiacomo Feltrinelli in order to blame the terror on the Communists. “The
impression was that the Americans would do anything to stop Italy from sliding to
the left,” Maletti explained. He concluded,

The CIA, following the directives of its government, wanted to create an Italian nationalism
capable of halting what it saw as a slide to the left, and, for this purpose, it may have made
use of right-wing terrorism…Don’t forget that Nixon was in charge and Nixon was a
strange man, a very intelligent politician, but a man of rather unorthodox initiatives.


During the Cold War, Turkey guarded a third of NATO’s total borders with
Warsaw Pact countries and operated the largest armed forces in Europe and the
second largest in NATO after the United States. Several years before Turkey joined
NATO on April 4, 1952, a secret stay-behind army was set up in the country under
the code-name “Counter-Guerrilla.” The Counter-Guerrilla was operative throughout
the Cold War and carried out some of the most sensitive missions of the Turkish

Following the Gladio revelations in Italy, General Kemal Yilmaz, chief of
the Turkish special forces, on December 3, 1990 officially confirmed the existence
of this secret NATO network. He explained the stay-behind army was under the
command of the Turkish special forces and had the task “to organise resistance in
the case of a communist occupation.”18

When questioned by the press, former Turkish prime minister Bulent Ecevit
recalled he had learned of the existence of this secret stay-behind army and the
special forces for the first time in 1974. At the time, the commander of the Turkish
army, General Semih Sancar, had allegedly informed him the United States had
financed the unit since the immediate post-war years.

“There are a certain number
of volunteer patriots whose names are kept secret and are engaged for life in this
special department,” the Prime Minister was told, adding, “They have hidden arms
caches in various parts of the country.”20

When Ecevit implied in front of the press
that the Counter-Guerrilla units might have been involved in domestic terror, acting
Defense Minister Giray snapped, “Ecevit had better keep his...mouth shut! [sic].”21
Yet Ecevit was not intimidated and declared he suspected Counter-Guerrilla’s
involvement in the Taskim Square massacre in Istanbul in 1977, during which a
protest rally of half a million citizens, organized by trade unions on May 1, had been
gunned down by snipers on surrounding buildings, leaving thirty-eight killed and
hundreds injured. According to Ecevit, the shooting lasted for twenty minutes, yet
several thousand policemen on the scene did not intervene. When he had phoned
Turkish President Fahri Koruturk and suggested a potential link to Counter-Guerrilla,
Ecevit noted “Koruturk relayed my fears to the then Prime Minister Süleyman
Demirel,” who had succeeded Ecevit in office. Upon hearing the news Demirel
“reacted in a very agitated manner” but was unable to challenge the powerful Turkish
military and the special forces.

According to Talat Turhan, a former Turkish general, the Counter-Guerrilla had
also engaged in torture, noting,
In the torture villa in Erenköy in Istanbul the torture team of retired officer Eyüp
Ozalkus, chief of the [Turkish intelligence service] MIT’s interrogation team for the
combat of communism, blindfolded me and tied up my arms and feet. Then they told me
that I was now ‘in the hands of a Counter Guerrilla unit operating under the high
command of the Army outside the constitution and the laws.’ They told me that they
‘considered me as their prisoner of war and that I was sentenced to death.’

Turhan survived the torture and became one of the most outspoken critics of
the Counter-Guerrilla.
When it was discovered in 1990 that Italy had an underground organisation called
Gladio, organised by NATO and controlled and financed by the CIA, which was
linked to acts of terrorism within the country, Turkish and foreign journalists approached
me and published my explanations as they knew that I have been researching the field
for 17 years.

Still today, Turhan insists that the EU should carry out an investigation, as the
Turkish parliament and government had insufficient leverage over the Turkish military
in the past. Turhan explained “in Turkey the special forces in the style of Gladio are
called Counter-Guerrilla by the public.” He confirmed and lamented, “despite all my
efforts and initiatives of political parties, democratic mass organisations and the
media the Counter-Guerrilla has still not been investigated.”25
New York journalist Lucy Komisar found not only the EU, but also the US
shied away from investigating the Counter-Guerrilla, revealing,
As for Washington’s role, Pentagon would not tell me whether it was still providing funds
or other aid to the Special Warfare Department; in fact, it wouldn’t answer any questions
about it … I was told by officials variously that they knew nothing about it, that it happened
too long ago for there to be any records available, or that what I described was a CIA
operation for which they could provide no information. One Pentagon historian said, ‘Oh,
you mean the stay-behind organization. That’s classified.’


During most of the Cold War, Spain was a right-wing dictatorship, ruled by
Francisco Franco through his victory in the Spanish Civil War of 1939 until his
death in 1975. Investigations into the Spanish stay-behind army cannot therefore be
compared with similar inquiries, such as those in the Danish government, as Spanish
diplomats correctly insisted in 1990. Calvo Sotelo, Spanish prime minister from
February 1981 to December 1982, explained to journalists that during Franco’s
dictatorship, “the very government was Gladio.” 27

Defense minister under the Sotelo
government, Alberto Oliart, thought it would be childish to investigate alleged acts
of terrorism of an anti-communist secret army in Spain in the 1950s because “here
Gladio was the government.”28

Acting Spanish defense minister Narcis Serra found it more difficult to provide
details to an inquisitive parliament. In November 1990, he misleadingly claimed
Spain had never been a member of the secret stay-behind network, “either before or
after the socialist government.” 29

He cautiously added he was basing his evaluation
on documents which the Spanish military secret service, known as CESID, had
provided to him, and that “it has been suggested there were some contacts in the
1970s, but it is going to be very difficult for the current secret service to be able to
verify that type of contact.”30

While the Spanish parliament protested that its own government was not
providing the data requested, a former Italian general offered more precise data.
Gerardo Serravalle, commander of the Italian stay-behind force from 1971 to 1974,
recalled in his book Gladio that Franco had attempted to establish contacts with the
NATO secret army long before Spain became an official member of NATO in
1982. According to Serravalle, NATO’s stay-behind command center CPC discussed
the admission of Spain in 1973 to the CPC during meetings in Brussels and in
Paris. The French military secret service and the dominant CIA had allegedly requested
the admission of the Spanish network, while Italy represented by Serravalle, had
allegedly opposed the suggestion. Representatives of the Spanish secret service,
according to Seravalle, were not interested in the stay-behind function but wanted to
gain a tool for domestic control. “In all meetings there is ‘an hour of truth,’ one must
only wait for it,” Serravalle related about the meeting. He continued, stating,
It is the hour in which the delegates of the secret services, relaxed with a drink or a
coffee, are more inclined to speak frankly. In Paris this hour came during the coffee
break. I approached a member of the Spanish service and started by saying his
government had maybe overestimated the reality of the danger of the threat from the
East. I wanted to provocate him. He, looking at me in complete surprise, admitted that
Spain had the problem of the communists (los rojos). There we had it, the truth.

It was alleged thereafter, the Spanish stay-behind officers were welcomed by
both the CPC and ACC.


Under the headline “‘Gladio’ was active in Portugal,” the Portuguese press in
1990 informed a stunned national audience “a secret network, erected at the bosom
of NATO and financed by the CIA … had a branch in Portugal in the 1960s and the
1970s. It was called ‘Aginter Press.’” 32
Allegedly, the network had been involved in
assassination operations in Portugal and in the Portuguese colonies in Africa.

no parliamentary investigation was carried out in Portugal, the Italian Senate inquiry
into Gladio found that Yves Guerin-Serac, a French specialist in secret warfare and
veteran of the French war in Vietnam, the US war in Korea, and the French war in
Algeria, had directed the secretive Aginter Press.

[This unit,] according to the latest documents acquired by the criminal investigation, was
an information center directly linked to the CIA and the Portuguese secret service [Policia
Internacional e de Defesa do Estado, PIDE], that specialized in provocation

Whether Portugal’s dictator, Antonio Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970), who had
supported Spanish dictator Franco during the Spanish civil war and led his country
into NATO as a founding member in 1949, had been aware of the existence of
Aginter remains unclear. In November of 1990, Portuguese defense minister Fernando
Nogueira firmly insisted he had no knowledge of the existence of any kind of
Gladio branch in Portugal, and declared neither in his Defense Ministry, nor in the
General Staff of the Portuguese Armed Forces existed, “any information whatsoever
concerning the existence or activity of any ‘Gladio structure’ in Portugal.”35
Thus, it was left to the Italians to confirm the reality of Aginter, which according
to Italian judge, Guido Salvini, carried out secret military operations during the Cold
War based on the “aims and values…which in their essence are the defence of the
Western world against a probable and imminent invasion of Europe by the troops of
the Soviet Union and the communist countries.”36

Anti-communist militant Guerin-
Serac himself confirmed that many of their men were,
officers who have come to us from fighting in Indo-China and Algeria, and some who
even enlisted with us after the battle for Korea, [as well as] intellectuals who, during
this same period, turned their attention to the study of the techniques of Marxist subversion.

Together they aimed,
to dissect the techniques of Marxist subversion and to lay the foundations of a counter-
technique … During this period we have systematically established close contacts with
like-minded groups emerging in Italy, Belgium, Germany, Spain or Portugal, for the
purpose of forming the kernel of a truly Western League of Struggle against Marxism.

Operating on a global scale, militant Aginter terrorists allegedly participated in
Guatemalan terror and counter-terrorist operations from 1968 to 1971 together
with the CIA and US Green Berets, in which thousands were killed. They were also
involved in the overthrow of socialist President Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973.

Following Portugal’s “Revolution of the Flowers” in May 1974, the Aginter
headquarters in the Rua das Pracas in Lisbon were closed down and Guerin-Serac
fled the country. Italian journalist Barbachetto of the magazine L’Europeo later recalled,
[The Aginter documents] were destroyed by the Portuguese military, because obviously they
feared diplomatic complications with the governments of Italy, France, and Germany, if
the activities of Aginter in the various European countries would be revealed.


To prevent a communist-led Greek resistance from taking power after the end
of World War Two, British prime minister, Winston Churchill ordered a secret army
to be created in Greece in late 1944. It became known variously as the Greek
Mountain Brigade, the Hellenic Raiding Force, or Lochos Oreinon Katadromon,
(with its Greek acronym LOK). In order to guarantee its members were staunchly
anti-communist, LOK commander, Field Marshall Alexander Papagos excluded,
“almost all men with views ranging from moderately conservative to left wing.”41
When Greece joined NATO in 1952, LOK, under the command of Papagos,
was firmly integrated into the European stay-behind network. The CIA and LOK
reconfirmed on March 25, 1955 their mutual cooperation in a secret document
signed by United States General Trascott for the CIA, and Konstantin Dovas, chief
of staff of the Greek military.

British journalist Peter Murtagh found,
The Raiding Force doubled as the Greek arm of the clandestine pan-European
guerrilla network set up in the 1950s by NATO and the CIA which was controlled
from NATO headquarters in Brussels by the Allied Coordination Committee.

He also relates,
The idea behind the network was that it would operate as a stay-behind force after a
Soviet invasion of Europe. It would co-ordinate guerrilla activities between Soviet
occupied countries and liaise with governments in exile.

In addition to preparing for a Soviet invasion, the CIA instructed LOK to prevent
a leftist coup. According to former CIA agent Philipp Agee,
The Greek-American CIA officer recruited several groups of Greek citizens for what
the CIA called ‘a nucleus for rallying a citizen army against the threat of a leftist coup’
… Each of the several groups was trained and equipped to act as an autonomous
guerrilla unit, capable of mobilizing and carrying on guerrilla warfare with minimal
or no outside direction.

In Greece, as in all countries of Western Europe, the stay-behind was equipped
with light weapons hidden in arms caches. Agee maintains,
These guerrilla groups were armed with automatic weapons, as well as small mountain
mortars. The weapons were stored in several places. Most of the military supplies were
cached in the ground and in caves. Each member of these paramilitary groups knew where
such cached weaponry was hidden, in order to be able to mobilize himself to a designated
spot, without orders.

Agee, who was sharply criticized in the United States for having revealed sensitive
information, insisted,
Paramilitary groups, directed by CIA officers, operated in the sixties throughout Europe
[and he stressed that] perhaps no activity of the CIA could be as clearly linked to the
possibility of internal subversion.

There is a possibility the LOK was directly involved in the Greek military coup
d’état on April 20, 1967, which took place one month before the scheduled national
elections for which opinion polls predicted an overwhelming victory of the left-
leaning Center Union of George and Andreas Papandreou.

Based on a NATO-
designed response to a communist insurgency, the so-called Prometheus plan, the
LOK under the command of paratrooper Lieutenant Colonel Costas Aslanides,
took control of the Greek Defense Ministry. In the darkness of the night, tanks with
flashlights rolled into Athens and under the command of Brigadier General Sylianos
Pattakos gained control over communication centers, the parliament, the royal palace,
and according to detailed lists, arrested over 10,000 people. Many of those arrested
were later tortured. Phillips Talbot, the United States ambassador in Athens, disapproved
of the operation and complained to the CIA chief of station in Athens, Jack Maury,
that the coup represented, “a rape of democracy,” to which Maury answered, “How
can you rape a whore?”49

Those arrested and imprisoned by the military in 1967 included Andreas
Papandreou and his father George. After years of exile in Canada and Sweden,
Andreas Papandreou returned to Greece, won the 1981 election for prime minister,
and formed the first socialist government of Greek’s post–war history. According to
his own testimony, he discovered the existence of the secret NATO army, then
codenamed “Red Sheepskin,” as acting prime minister in 1984 and had given orders
to dissolve it. Papandreou’s defense minister, Nikos Kouris confirmed he believed
the secret deal with the CIA represented an “unacceptable pact.”50
In 1990, the socialist opposition called for a parliamentary investigation into
the secret army and its alleged link to terrorism and the 1967 coup d’état. Public
order minister Yannis Vassiliadis declared that there was no need to investigate such
“fantasies” as,
Sheepskin was one of 50 NATO plans which foresaw that when a country was occupied
by an enemy there should be an organised resistance. It foresaw arms caches and officers
who would form the nucleus of a guerrilla war. In other words, it was a nationally
justifiable act.


The first French secret stay-behind army, which had been set up immediately
after the end of World War Two when both Washington and London feared strong
French communists might seize power, was discovered and closed down very quickly.
“Towards the end of 1946 we got to know of the existence of a black resistance
network, made up of resistance fighters of the extreme right, Vichy collaborators
and monarchists,” French socialist minister of the interior Edouard Depreux declared
to the public in June 1947. He asserted “They had a secret attack plan called ‘Plan
Bleu’, which should have come into action either towards the end of July or on
August 6, [1947].”52

The secret army was closed down amidst public criticism of the
plan’s aim of installing a right-wing government in France.
Due to the persistent fear of the strength of French communists, the military
secret service Service de Documentation Extérieure et de Contre-Espionnage
(SDECE) under Henri Alexis Ribiere set up a second secret army. “There were
probably a lot of Frenchmen who wanted to be ready if something happened,”
retired CIA officer Edward Barnes later confirmed. Recalling his own work in France
he stressed that a Soviet occupation was the primary motivation of the French secret
army, while promoting anti-communist political activity in the country, “might have
been a secondary consideration.”53

When in the early 1960s, large segments of the French military and secret
services started to strongly disapprove of President Charles de Gaulle and his intention
to allow the former colony of Algeria to become an independent country, the secret
army began to see the ruling government of de Gaulle as an enemy alongside the
communists. Some “terrorist actions” against de Gaulle and his Algerian peace plan
had been carried out by groups that included “a limited number of people” from the
French stay-behind network, former director of the French military secret service
DGSE Admiral Pierre Lacoste confirmed in 1990.

Lacoste, who resigned in 1985
after the DGSE had blown up the Greenpeace ship Rainbow Warrior that was protesting
French atomic testing in the pacific, stressed that despite links to terrorism, he believed
Soviet contingency plans for invasion nevertheless justified the stay-behind program.
Socialist François Mitterrand, French president from 1981 to 1995, was less
enthusiastic and made all attempts to distance himself from the French secret army
when questioned by the press in 1990. “When I arrived I didn’t have much left to
dissolve. There only remained a few remnants, of which I learned the existence with
some surprise because everyone had forgotten about them.”55

Italian Prime Minister
Giulio Andreotti, however, was not amused to see how the French played down their
role in the stay-behind conspiracy, and mercilessly declared to the press that far from
having been closed down long ago, representatives of the French secret army had
recently taken part in a secret ACC meeting in Brussels on October 24, 1990. When
this was confirmed, it caused considerable embarrassment in Paris; Mitterrand refused
any further comment.


When socialist parliamentarian Hermann Scheer learned of the existence of a
secret right-wing army in Germany in late 1990, he insisted this mysterious “Ku-
Klux-Klan” had to be investigated at the highest levels,
because the existence of an armed military secret organisation outside all governmental or
parliamentary control is incompatible with the constitutional legality, and therefore must
be prosecuted according to the criminal law.

Thereafter, Scheer was discretely informed that the socialists during their time
in government had also covered up the secret army, whereupon his criticism faded
away and led him to withdraw his request for an investigation.
Meanwhile, the press continued to claim that right-wing extremists and former
Nazis had been recruited into the mysterious secret army with the help of General
Reinhard Gehlen, director of the first German intelligence service. The service was
tellingly called Organisation Gehlen (ORG) before it changed its name to BND.
Gehlen had served under Hitler on the Soviet front in World War Two, and according
to historian Christopher Simpson, had “derived much of his information from his
role in one of the most terrible atrocities of the war: the torture, interrogation, and
murder by starvation of some 4 million Soviet prisoners of war.”57

The information
he gathered made Gehlen a valuable asset, and, in 1945, United States President
Truman saved him from the Nuremberg trials and installed him as chief of ORG in
occupied Germany.

Under Gehlen, Germany had “incorporated the full espionage outfit” of the
war into the secret army, an unnamed former NATO intelligence official recalled.

The official noted, “This is well known since Gehlen was the spiritual father of Stay
Behind in Germany and his role was known to the West German leader, Konrad
Adenauer, from the outset.”59

Adenauer had allegedly
signed a secret protocol with the US on West Germany’s entry into NATO in May
1955 in which it was agreed that the West German authorities would refrain from
active legal pursuit of known right wing extremists.

Documents supporting such a far-reaching claim have so far not been made
accessible to researchers. But the data gathered in the wake of an early exposure of
the German secret army in the 1950s indirectly supports the claim.

On September 9, 1952, former SS officer Hans Otto walked into the police
headquarters of Frankfurt and, according to the German governmental records,
“declared to belong to a political resistance group, the task of which was to carry out
sabotage activities and blow up bridges in case of a Soviet invasion.” According to
Otto, some 100 members of the organization had been instructed in political ideology
and secret warfare, and although,
officially neo-fascist tendencies were not required, most members of the organisation
featured them. The financial means to run the organisation had been provided by an
American citizen with the name of Sterling Garwood.

Otto revealed that the secret army was codenamed Technischer Dienst des
Bundes Deutscher Jugend (TD BDJ), commanded by Erhard Peters, and financed
by the CIA. Otto claimed,

The idea of the Americans was to have all members overrun by the Soviets, and to use them
as partisans afterwards. However, this American plan could not be realized by Peters
since all men interested in the organization under all circumstances wanted to escape to the
West in case of a Soviet invasion.

The TD BDJ, as Otto revealed, had drawn up blacklists of persons, most of
whom were communists or socialists according to the police, who were to be liquidated
in case of an emergency.

August Zinn, Prime Minister of the German state Hessen, was furious when he
learned of the secret army and pressed for a juridical investigation on the highest
levels. Yet already on September 30, 1952, the highest German court,
Bundesgerichtshof (BGH), in Karlsruhe ordered all arrested TD BDJ members to be
released. The responsible BGH judges Schrübbers and Wagner had not even contacted
the police in Frankfurt, or consulted the confiscated material beforehand. Prime
Minister Zinn was completely baffled by the high level protection these Nazi secret
soldiers seemed to enjoy and concluded, “The only legal explanation for these releases
can be that the people in Karlsruhe declared that they acted upon American

The German secret army and its links to right-wing extremists came back to
haunt the German police when on September 26, 1980 a bomb exploded in the
midst of the popular Munich October festival killing thirteen and wounding 213.
The bomb trail led to the neo–Nazi group named “Wehrsportgruppe Hoffmann,”
whose members already testified to the police one day after the massacre that forest
ranger and right-wing extremist Heinz Lembke had provided them with the explosives.
“Mister Lembke showed us different sorts of explosives,” Raymund Hörnle testified,
adding, “He said that he had many caches full of such material buried in the wood,
and that he could provide a lot of them...Mister Lembke told us that he was instructing
people in the use of explosive devices.”64

This testimony was confirmed when on October 26, 1981, Lembke’s massive
underground arms caches were discovered near the village of Uelzen in the Lüneburger
Heide. The thirty-three caches contained automatic weapons, chemical combat
equipment, 14,000 shots of munitions, fifty anti-tank guns, 156 kilo-grams of
explosives, 230 explosive devices, 258 hand grenades, and may have been part of
the post-occupation supplies of the German stay-behind army.

Lembke was arrested
and soon after found dead hanged in his prison cell. Socialist parliamentarian Herta
Däubler-Gmelin thereafter asked the government, “Could you tell us now whether
after the discovery of the arms caches and the arrest of Mister Lembke a new
understanding of the...Munich massacre has arisen?” The question was to the point,
but the answer was lacking as State Secretary von Schoeler replied, “There is no


The cover of the first Austrian secret army was blown two years after the end
of World War Two, when a right-wing stay-behind network was discovered in 1947.
The so-called Soucek-Rössner conspiracy led to the arrest of a number of right-wing
extremists. During the trial, both Soucek and Rössner testified they had recruited
and trained partisan units for the eventuality of a Soviet invasion, insisting they
were carrying out the secret operation with the full knowledge and support of the
US and British occupying powers. The judges found them guilty of conspiracy and
sentenced them to death in 1949. Yet, thereafter, Theodor Körner, Austrian
Chancellor from 1951 to 1957, pardoned the right-wing conspirators under mysterious

Living on a fragile Cold War border, senior members of the Austrian government
decided that a stay-behind army would enhance the security of the neutral state, thus
with the cooperation of MI6 and the CIA, Franz Olah set up a new secret army
codenamed Österreichischer Wander-Sport-und Geselligkeitsverein (OWSGV). “We
bought cars under this name. We installed communication centres in several regions
of Austria,” Olah later explained and confirmed that “special units were trained in
the use of weapons and plastic explosives.”68

More than anything else, Olah feared
that Austrian communists would take over power. He stated,
It wasn’t our intention to fight communism in the Soviet Union but to fight against
the attempts of communism in our own country. We took weapons. We also had
modern plastic explosives that were easy to handle. I had a small arsenal of weapons in
my office. There must have been a couple of thousand people working for us. …
[O]nly very, very highly positioned politicians and some members of the union knew
about it.

In 1990, when secret armies linked to NATO and the CIA were discovered
across Western Europe, the Austrian government, fearing for the reputation of its
neutrality, claimed that no secret army had existed in the country. Yet six years later,
the United States newspaper, the Boston Globe, revealed the existence of secret CIA
arms caches in Austria. Austrian President Thomas Klestil and Austrian Chancellor
Franz Vranitzky angrily insisted they had known absolutely nothing of the existence
of the secret army and demanded that the United States launch a full-scale investigation
into the violation of Austria’s permanent neutrality.

The US administration of
President Bill Clinton strictly declined to carry out such a full-scale investigation and
sent forward State Department spokesman Nicholas Burns who insisted,
The aim was noble, the aim was correct, to try to help Austria if it was under
occupation. What went wrong is that successive Washington administrations simply
decided not to talk to the Austrian government about it.

In response to journalists’ questions, Burns confirmed that similar networks
with arms caches had also existed in several other European countries, which he
could not name, however, “for fear of forgetting some countries.”72

In August 2001
President George Bush appointed Nicholas Burns as the United States Permanent
Representative to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization where, as ambassador to
NATO, he headed the combined State-Defense Department United States Mission
to NATO and coordinated the NATO response to the terrorist attacks of September
11, 2001.


In neutral Switzerland, a parliamentary investigation into the defense department
in November 1990 revealed a secret stay-behind army, first codenamed Special
Service and then P26, had existed within the Swiss military secret service Untergrupppe
Nachrichtendienst und Abwehr (UNA) during most of the Cold War. The
parliamentarians concluded,

Irrespective of its members, whom the commission does not suspect of any intentions to
harm the state, a secret organization equipped with weapons and explosives in itself
represents a potential danger for the constitutional order as long as it is not factually
controlled by the constitutional political organs…The commission has found that this
factual control of the P26 organization through the highest national organs was not
given [whereupon the secret army was dissolved].
Switzerland has neither suffered from any coup d’états nor from acts of terrorism
throughout the Cold War. The parliamentarians, who had been surprised by the
very existence of a secret army, were relieved they had found no links to terrorism
from neither the P26, nor its predecessors. “I was shocked that something like that is
at all possible,”the president of the parliamentary commission Senator Carlo Schmid
concluded, stressing that he was glad to leave “the conspiratorial atmosphere” which
during the investigations had weighed upon him “like a black shadow.”74
In a follow-up investigation, the parliament gave Swiss judge Pierre Cornu the
task of investigating whether the secret army had been part of the NATO network,
and thus violated Swiss neutrality. Cornu found that P26 cooperated very closely
with the British MI6 and their special forces, the SAS, with P26 cadres training in
Great Britain as well as British officers going to Switzerland for specialized trainings.
Taking note of this close and secret cooperation, the Swiss government classified the
Cornu report as top secret, and only published a short summary in which it claimed
that Swiss neutrality had not been violated.

Socialist defense minister Guy Coeme in the evening of November 7, 1990
revealed to a stunned national television audience that a NATO linked secret army
had existed in Belgium during the Cold War. He added, “I want to know whether
there exists a link between the activities of this secret network, and the wave of
crime and terror which our country suffered from during the past years.”76
Thereafter, a detailed parliamentary investigation of the Belgian Senate found
that the Belgian secret army had consisted of two branches, known as SDRA8 and
STC/Mob. SDRA8 was the military branch located within the Belgian military secret
service Service Général du Renseignement (SGR) under the direction of the Defense
Ministry. The members of SDRA8 were military men, trained in unorthodox warfare,
combat and sabotage, parachute jumping, and maritime operations. In case of a
Soviet occupation of the country, SDRA8 agents would have been in charge of
accompanying the government abroad, establishing liaisons with the secret agents in
Belgium, and fighting the enemy. STC/Mob was located within the civilian secret
service, Sûreté de L’Etat (Sûreté), under the direction of the ministry of justice. The
members of the civilian STC/Mob were technicians trained to operate a radio station
with the task of collecting intelligence under conditions of enemy occupation which
could be useful to the government in exile.
The Belgian senators also found that the secret NATO armies had carried out
international exercises at regular intervals. They found,
One must note two points regarding these exercises. First of all, we are dealing here
with an international network that could evacuate clandestinely a person from Norway
to Italy. This implies a very close collaboration and strict co-ordination on an
international level between a series of secret services.
The operations, according to the findings of the Belgian investigation, were
carried out very professionally. The investigation noted,
What is also astonishing is the perfect technical infrastructure which the stay-behind was
equipped with: The persons and the material were moved on or intercepted by sea, by air,
by parachute. Their arrival zones were marked and controlled. The persons were housed in
secure buildings.
While the Belgian Senators were able to clarify the stay-behind dimension of the
secret army, they faced insurmountable obstacles with respect to the terror investigation
that Defense Minister Coeme had urged them to carry out. Between 1983 and 1985,
Belgium had suffered from the so-called Brabant massacres in the area around
Brussels which left twenty-eight people dead, many more injured, and a country in
shock. In one of the attacks, three armed men with hoods over their heads had
entered a supermarket and with pump-action shotguns opened fire at point blank
range. In the ensuing massacre, eight people died and seven more were injured. The
terrorists showed no mercy, killing one entire family at the supermarket checkout,NATO’S SECRET STAY-BEHIND ARMIES 85
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while a father and his nine year-old daughter who tried to flee were killed in their car.
The money taken in the raid amounted to a meager couple of thousand pounds,
found later in a canal in an unopened sack. In another attack on a food store, the
terrorists first killed a couple and then, instead of fleeing, recklessly waited for the
police to arrive who ran right into the ambush. The Brabant terrorists were never
identified or caught.
In order to clarify whether members of the Belgian secret army had been
involved in the brutal Brabant massacres, the senators ordered M. Raes (director of
the Sûreté from 1977 to 1990 and chief of STC/Mob) and Lieutenant Colonel
Bernard Legrand (chief of the Belgian military secret service, and chief of SDRA8)
to provide them with the list of names, or at least the birth dates of the secret
soldiers. Both refused to cooperate. This was illegal, for both Justice Minister Wathelet,
the superior of Raes, and Defense Minister Coeme, the superior of Legrand, had
explicitly and imperatively ordered their subordinates to cooperate, who furthermore
were bound by the constitution to answer to the legislative branch.
Legrand declared,
Whatever the Minister says, there remain very good reasons not to reveal the names of
the clandestines…I will remain firm …When I read the articles in the press, I can not
believe that one can be so intensively interested in such problems, while there are so many
other important things.
The Senators were baffled and kept up the pressure for three more months. In
the end, they could not gain access to the names of the secret soldiers, nor could
they identify the men behind the Brabant terror. Legrand celebrated his victory with
an encoded statement in the leading Belgian daily, Le Soir:
‘Give us the names!’ ‘Never!’ reply the ‘Gladiators.’ The hour of truth [l’heure du
choc] has come. This is Brussels calling. Dear friends in Operation Stay Behind, section
SDRA8 assures you of its very high esteem and thanks you for your devotion to your
country. They guarantee that the pressures and threats will be empty and that undertakings
will be honored. Adolphe is looking well!
As in neighboring Belgium, the Dutch stay-behind army was also made up of
two branches. One branch was called Operations, or O for short. It was directed by
Louis Einthoven, a cold warrior who died in 1973 and throughout his life had
warned of the dangers of communism. Einthoven, who ran the O branch for sixteen
years in secrecy, was also the first director of the Dutch post-war domestic security
service Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst (BVD). “The double function of Einthoven
as chief BVD and of O was of course very valuable for us,” a former unnamed
member of O recalled, for this helped to firmly integrate the secret army into the
Dutch intelligence community.
The second branch of the Dutch stay-behind was
called Intelligence, or I. It had been set up after World War Two by J. M. Somer, but
was commanded by J.J.L. Baron van Lynden after Somer was dispatched to the
Dutch colony of Indonesia in 1948 to fight the independence movement there.
Within the Dutch version of Gladio, tasks were split. The Intelligence unit
under Van Lynden was responsible for the collection and transmission of intelligence
from occupied areas, preparations, running of exile bases, and evacuation operations
of the royalty, the government, the security apparatus, and personnel of I and O.
The O unit, under Einthoven, carried out sabotage and guerrilla operations, and was
charged with strengthening the local resistance and creating a new resistance
movement. O was also in charge of sensitizing people to the danger of communism
during times of peace. Moreover, O was trained in covert action operations, including
the use of guns and explosives, and possessed independent secret arms caches.
Following the exposure of the secret armies across Western Europe in November
1990, Dutch Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers, of the Dutch Christian Democratic
party, told parliament, “Successive Prime Ministers and Defence Ministers have
always preferred not to inform other members of their cabinets or Parliament,”
taking pride in the fact that some thirty ministers had kept the secret.
The Dutch
parliament trusted Lubbers that the secret army had not abused its power and,
unlike secret armies in other countries, had no links with terrorism. Therefore, no
parliamentary investigation was carried out. “I don’t particularly worry that there
was, and perhaps still is, such a thing,” parliamentarian Hans Dijkstal of the liberal
opposition, voiced his reflections. “What I do have problems with,” he continued, “is
that until last night Parliament was never told.”85
“The word Gladio is a term used for the Italian structure. The term used
internationally and inside NATO is ‘Stay-Behind,’” Luxemburg’s prime minister
Jacques Santer explained in front of his parliament on November 14, 1990. He
This term reflects the concept of an organisation designed to become active behind the
fronts of a military conflict, thus in case of enemy occupation of the territory. This
concept has been designed by NATO. The idea has been derived from the experiences
of World War Two, during which similar networks were established during occupation
periods, thus in a particularly difficult environment and under enemy control.
The prime minister argued that never again should a country be so ill-prepared
before a war and a potential occupation. He explained, “to avoid the same preparation
gap in the future, it was decided to prepare the foundations of such an organisation
already in peace time.”86
Santer stressed that “all NATO countries in central Europe have taken part in
these preparations, and Luxemburg could not have escaped this international solidarity.”
He explained that the secret service of Luxemburg, the Service de Renseignements,
had been running the network. Santer maintained,NATO’S SECRET STAY-BEHIND ARMIES 87
Winter/Spring 2005
The agents of this stay-behind network were recruited by the secret service on a voluntarily
basis and according to criteria relating to their profession and place of living … The
essence of their mission was to inform NATO on the political and military situation of
their region, to organise escape routes out of the occupied territory, and to support the
special forces of the military.
Santer insisted there had been no links to terrorism and no abuses of power had
occurred. However, when parliament asked him who had controlled the secret army
he replied,
I can answer that I did not have any personal knowledge of the existence of the network,
and exactly like the Minister of Belgium, I was surprised to learn about its existence. I
do not think that another member of the government could have guessed its existence.
Obviously, I cannot make this declaration in my predecessors’ name also, for I did not have
the time to consult them before my answer.
In Denmark, the anti-communist stay-behind army was codenamed Absalon
after the medieval Danish Bishop who had defeated the Russians in the Middle Ages.
Its commander, nicknamed Bispen, the Danish word for bishop, was E. J. Harder,
who from 1966 to 1970 had worked at NATO headquarters. “Naturally, the
organization was copied after the resistance movement,” an unnamed member of
the Danish network explained to the press. He claimed, “There were twelve districts,
structured according to the cell principle, but not as tightly organized as during the
There were no alleged links to any terrorist operations, but the unit explicitly
prepared against both a Soviet invasion and suspected danger emanating from the
Danish communists. As a former member explained, “It was during the time of the
Cold War and a Russian invasion or take-over of power by the Danish communists
was—we felt—a clear and present danger.”89
As in all countries, the Danish stay-behind army was also hidden within the
military secret service Forsvarets Efterretningstjeneste (FE). The special operations
department directed by Gustav Thomsen supervised Absalon. “Ninety-five per cent
were military people,” an unnamed source revealed to the Danish press. Absalon
members shared a conservative and strongly anti-communist political ideology, but
they claimed this did not include right-wing extremists. “Not everybody could become
a member,” a former Absalon secret soldier told the Danish Press. “Among others,
the right-wing activist Hans Hetler wanted to become a member. But we did not
want him. He had been compromised and we did not think that he had the necessary
When the stay-behind armies were discovered across Western Europe in late
1990, Danish defense minister Knud Enggaard awkwardly in front of parliament
declared it was not true that any kind of NATO-supported CIA organization had
been erected in Denmark. He added, “further pieces of information on a secret
service operation in case of an occupation is classified material, even highly classified
material, and I am therefore prohibited from giving any further information in the
Danish parliament.” Member of parliament Pelle Voigt, who raised the stay-behind
question, thought the defense minister’s answer to be “contradictory and an indirect
confirmation of the fact that Denmark, too, had its secret network.”91
In 1978, a Norwegian policeman tracking illegally produced alcohol stumbled
across a large underground arms cache containing at least sixty weapons including
many machine guns, 12,000 rounds of ammunition, explosives, and sophisticated
communications equipment.
Hans Otto Meyer, the owner of the property and a
member of the Norwegian Intelligence Service (NIS), was arrested. But to the surprise
of the investigators his claim that the arsenal had been put up by the NIS for use by
a resistance cell was eventually confirmed when Defense Minister Rolf Hansen
declared in front of parliament that Norway needed a stay-behind army for its
national security. Hansen claimed at the time that the Norwegian network was not
answerable to NATO or other countries, and he dismissed any connection to the
CIA while at the same time he insisted that he could not discuss details of the
organization’s activities because they had to be kept secret.
In the wake of the discoveries in 1990 of the secret armies across Western
Europe, journalists pressed the Norwegian defense department for an explanation.
Defense Ministry spokesman Erik Senstad replied, “What Hansen said then still
Subsequent research by Norwegian historian Olaf Riste revealed the
Norwegian secret army was codenamed Rocambole (ROC), and run by the Norwegian
secret service known as NIS. There are no proven links to any acts of terrorism, and
as in Denmark, Belgium, Luxemburg, the Netherlands, and other countries, “the
philosophy behind ROC was clearly based on the lessons learnt during the German
occupation a few years earlier.”95
Vilhelm Evang, director of the NIS, and Jens Christian Hague, the Norwegian
defense minister, had built up the stay-behind army after World War Two. Both were
convinced that, Norway had to be better prepared for a potential invasion and
occupation. With regard to a potential domestic front, Evang drew up plans to be
activated in case of an internal coup d’état, and planned for missions to guard
against “fifth-column” communist subversive activities.
Cooperation with the CIA, MI6, and NATO was intense, but not always without
complications. In 1957, Evang learned that the United States was not respecting
Norway’s sovereignty when a United States official was arrested. This official, operating
on NATO’s orders, was secretly collecting data on Norwegian citizens who shared
strongly pacifist convictions and a negative attitude towards NATO. Evang was
furious and demanded that this affair had to be the first item on the agenda at theNATO’S SECRET STAY-BEHIND ARMIES 89
Winter/Spring 2005
next meeting of the Clandestine Planning Committee (CPC) in Paris on November
19, 1957. At the meeting, Evang threatened that Norway would leave the CPC if
NATO continued to secretly violate the sovereignty of its members. He claimed
“[a]s far as Norway is concerned, our interest in CPC planning as such has declined
steadily since 1954 because there is no future in it for us. We are of the opinion that
we are developing a Stay Behind which is to be used at home for the purpose of
liberation from an occupation.”96
Brigadier Simon, chief of NATO’s Special Projects
Branch at SHAPE with responsibilities also for CPC, could not calm the anger of
Evang, and NATO had to present a letter of apology and a promise that it would
never again violate Norway’s sovereignty before Evang would agree that the Norwegian
secret army ROC could continue to participate in the secret NATO operations.
In 1990, the government of neutral Sweden found it difficult to face the fact
that a secret stay-behind army linked to NATO had existed in the country during
the Cold War. A few years later, in the absence of an official parliamentary investigation
or governmental explanation, the Swedish secret soldiers spoke out themselves and
added their perspective. “I have met, among others, Americans and Canadians
during this work. Above all we cooperated with Great Britain. They were our masters
in the art of running a secret resistance network,” Swedish stay-behind member
Reinhold Geijer explained. He insisted the Swedish government must have been
aware of the secret army, as the domestic security police Säkerhetspolis (SÄPO) had
regularly helped with the recruitment of stay-behind soldiers.
“We selected suitable individuals, had them checked by the SÄPO, and, if accepted,
we cautiously approached them with defence questions, and in the end confronted
them with a direct question,” Geijer recalled of the recruitment procedure. Thereafter,
the key officers of the network were trained by the British secret service and special
forces. “In 1959 I went via London to a farm outside Eaton,” Geijer recalled of
such a training session. Geijer stated, “This was done under the strictest secrecy
procedures, with for instance a forged passport. I was not even allowed to call my
wife. The aim of the training was to learn how to use dead letter box techniques to
receive and send secret messages, and other James Bond style exercises. The British
were very tough. I sometimes had the feeling that we were overdoing it.”99
Some Swedes were greatly surprised to learn a member of their family had
served in the secret army while preparing for a Soviet invasion. “I always thought
that all these Sunday excursions were for our benefit!” the daughter of a secret
soldier explained to the press after the death of her father with disappointment and
disbelief. She added, “And now I learn that these excursions have not been mere
amusement. And although what he did was honorable, I now feel mislead. My father
had other sides, of which I have never heard.” The daughter of another secret
soldier declared, “I have never learned anything of all this,” and insisted the name of
her father must remain secret. According to her, “Who knows where the discovery
of military secrets will lead to?”100
Even today, the Swedish government has been very reluctant to comment on
the secret army. In 1990, General Bengt Gustafsson, Sweden’s chief of staff,
confirmed that a stay-behind network had existed in the country, but incorrectly
added that neither NATO nor the CIA had been involved.
CIA officer Paul Garbler,
who had served two tours of duty in Sweden, corrected that Sweden was a “direct
participant” in the network, adding, “I’m not able to talk about it without causing the
Swedes a good deal of heartburn.”102
In the absence of an official governmental
investigation into the Swedish secret army, it is impossible to judge whether the
network against a Soviet invasion was also linked to acts of terrorism. Allegations in
the press that the secret army had been involved in the assassination of Swedish
Prime Minister Olof Palme in 1986 due to his intention to transform Scandinavia
into a nuclear arms free zone remained unfounded.
Finland is the only country in Western Europe which has been invaded and
occupied by the Soviet Red Army. The so-called “Winter War,” began in November
1939, where the Finns lost more that twenty percent of their soldiers in three months.
They were forced to sign a peace treaty in Moscow, surrendering 16,000 square
miles of their territory. The Finns then sided with Hitler’s army in order to regain
the lost territory, but when the Germans were defeated, the Finns were forced to pay
war reparations to Moscow and promised to remain neutral after 1945.
The Finnish frontier with the Soviet Union, which runs for several hundred
kilometers and passes through sparsely populated areas, was guarded by military
men, fences, and land mines throughout the Cold War. At a stay-behind meeting in
London in 1950, CIA and MI6 representatives lamented that Finland was “paralyzed
through a friendship agreement with the Soviet Union.” They made it clear any
operations carried out on the territory had to be very quiet to prevent any provocation
of the Soviet Union.
The CIA secretly approached Americans in Finland who in
turn suggested the agency contact Finnish citizens who might be willing to join the
topsecret stay-behind operation.
Finnish journalist Jukka Rislakki found that “there existed a secret resistance
organization in Finland which had contacts to the West.” His sources confirmed
“the members of the network trained in secrecy and had arms caches. Several acting
and retired officers of the Finnish army were part of the network, as well as men
who still hold high functions.” According to Rislakki’s sources, the activities of the
Finnish stay-behind allegedly increased after the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
Some Finns feared the same could happen to their country, “but already before that
invasion there had been secret groups in Finland, and there were arms and training.”104
Dave Whipple, CIA chief of station in Helsinki from 1970 to 1976, confirmed
that the CIA had supported the Finnish secret army with “money, equipment,
communication and support.” 105
Allegedly, the networks were a major success for
the CIA, because they “developed into a very, very good assurance” and could beNATO’S SECRET STAY-BEHIND ARMIES 91
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used against a Soviet invasion, as well as against a potential increase of power of the
communist parties.
Whipple noted, “Something that worried us was what would
happen if the communists would gain power in any of the countries where we had
erected stay-behind networks.” Therefore, secrecy was extremely tight. He added,
“They knew how to keep their mouths shut. They knew how to live according to the
‘need to know’ principle, and not to talk about what they were dealing with.”107
Finish defense minister Elisabeth Rehn arguably did not possess the need to know,
labeling the secret army “a fairy tale” when approached by the press in 1991, adding
somewhat more cautiously, “or at least an incredible story, of which I know nothing.”108
“Prudent Precaution or Source of Terror?” the international press pointedly
asked when the secret stay-behind armies of NATO were discovered across Western
Europe in late 1990.
After more than ten years of research, the answer is now
clear: both. The overview above shows that based on the experiences of World War
Two, all countries of Western Europe, with the support of NATO, the CIA, and
MI6, had set up stay-behind armies as what was felt was a prudent precaution
against a potential Soviet invasion. While the safety networks and the integrity of the
majority of the secret soldiers should not be criticized in hindsight after the collapse
of the Soviet Union, very disturbing questions do arise with respect to reported links
to terrorism.
There exist large differences among the European countries, and each case
must be analyzed individually in further detail. As of now, the evidence available
suggests the secret armies in the seven countries, Denmark, Finland, Norway,
Luxemburg, Switzerland, Austria, and the Netherlands, focused exclusively on their
stay-behind safety function and were thus not linked to any acts of terrorism. However,
links to terrorism have been either confirmed or claimed in the eight countries, Italy,
Turkey, Germany, France, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, and Sweden, demanding further
In this age of global concern about terrorism, in which secret services are
thought of as part of the solution and not as part of the problem, it is greatly
upsetting to discover that Western Europe and the United States collaborated in
establishing secret armed networks which in the majority of countries are suspected
of having had links to acts of terrorism. In the United States, such nations have
been called rogue states and are the object of hostility and sanction. Can it be that
the United States itself, potentially in alliance with Great Britain and other NATO
members, should be on the list of states sponsoring terrorism, together with Saudi
Arabia, Pakistan and Iran? Or, alternatively, is it plausible to assume the secret NATO
armies operated for years beyond the control of legitimate political authorities?
Today on both sides of the Atlantic, scientists and concerned citizens wonder
what must be done in both the United States and the EU to prevent the future abuse
of power and the continued manipulation of societies with terror. The data on
NATO’s secret armies indicates some of the complexities involved in such questions.
Future research will not only depend on an intensified global debate on fear, brutality,
and manipulation, but also on courageous individuals who earlier in their life
participated in such operations but now step out of the shadows, live up to their
highest principles, and for the historical record before their unavoidable own death
report their side of the story.
All quotes, other than from English originals, have been translated by the author
who bears responsibility for their accuracy.
For a detailed overview compare: Daniele Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies. Operation Gladio and Terrorism
in Western Europe. (London and New York: Frank Cass, 2005). An Italian translation will be published
by Fazi in Rome in spring 2005.
While the UK was directly involved with setting up the stay-behind network, the islands Cyprus,
Malta, Ireland, Iceland, as well as the European mini states Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, San
Marino, and Vatican were of limited strategic importance and are hence not included in this analysis.
British daily, The Observer, November 18, 1990.
Debates of the European Parliament, November 22, 1990. Official transcripts.
Senate de Belgique: Enquête parlementaire sur l’existence en Belgique d’un résau de renseignements
clandestin international. Rapport fait au nom de la commission d’enquête par MM. Erdman et Hasqeuin.
Brussels. October 1, 1991. Hereafter quoted as “Belgian stay-behind 1991 Report.”
Belgian Parliamentary Commission of Enquiry into Gladio. Also summarized in Belgium periodical
Statewatch, January/February 1992.
William Colby, Honorable Men. My life in the CIA (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978), 81 and 82
British television program Newsnight on BBC1 on April 4, 1991.
British television program Newsnight on BBC1 on April 4, 1991.
Hugh O’Shaughnessy, Gladio: Europe’s best kept secret - They were the agents who were to ‘stay behind’ if
the Red Army overran Western Europe. But the network that was set up with the best intentions degenerated in
some countries into a front for terrorism and far-right political agitation, in: British daily The Observer, June 7, 1992.
Ed Vulliamy, Secret agents, freemasons, fascists.. and a top-level campaign of political ‘destabilisation’:
‘Strategy of tension’ that brought carnage and cover-up, in: British daily The Guardian, December 5, 1990.
Ed Vulliamy, Secret agents, freemasons, fascists.. and a top-level campaign of political ‘destabilisation’:
‘Strategy of tension’ that brought carnage and cover-up, in: British daily The Guardian, December 5, 1990.
Senato della Repubblica. Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sul terrorismo in Italia e sulle cause della
mancata individuazione dei responsabiliy delle stragi: Il terrorismo, le stragi ed il contesto storico politico.
Redatta dal presidente della Commissione, Senatore Giovanni Pellegrino. Roma 1995, 20.
Senato della Repubblica. Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sul terrorismo in Italia e sulle cause della mancata
individuazione dei responsabiliy delle stragi: Stragi e terrorismo in Italia dal dopoguerra al 1974. Relazione del
Gruppo Democratici di Sinistra l’Ulivo. Roma June 2000, 3.
Italian 2000 Senate report on Gladio and the massacres, as quoted in: Philip Willan: US ‘supported anti-
left terror in Italy’. Report claims Washington used a strategy of tension in the cold war to stabilise the centre-right, in:
British daily The Guardian, June 24, 2000.
Philip Willan, Terrorists “helped by CIA” to stop rise of left in Italy. In British daily The Guardian, 26
March 2001. Willan specialises on US covert action in Italy and published the book Puppetmasters. The
political use of terrorism in Italy (London: Constable, 1991).
Selahattin Celik, Türkische Konterguerilla. Die Todesmaschinerie (Köln: Mesopotamien Verlag, 1999),
44. Under his pen name Serdar Celik published also a ten page summary of his book in English on
the Internet entitled: Turkey’s Killing Machine: The Contra Guerrilla Force. (
0061.html). I will quote hereafter both from his book (Türkische Konterguerilla ) and his internet article
(Turkey’s Killing Machine).NATO’S SECRET STAY-BEHIND ARMIES 93
Winter/Spring 2005
Celik, Turkey’s Killing Machine. His source is an Interview with the president of the Turkish
General Staff Dogan Gures, in Turkish daily Milliyet 5./6. September 1992. The Turkish Special Forces
changed their name repeatedly during the Cold War. First they were called “Tactical Mobilisation
Group” (Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu, STK). STK headquarters were located in the building of the CIA
organization American Yardim Heyeti (American Aid Delegation – JUSMATT) in the Bahcelievler district
of the Turkish capital Ankara. In 1965 the STK was renamed “Special Warfare Department” (Ozel Harp
Dairesi, OHD), and later changed its name to “Special Forces Command” (Ozel Kuvvetler Komutanligi,
Lucy Komisar, Turkey’s Terrorists: A CIA Legacy Lives On. In: The Progressive, April 1997.
Komisar, A CIA Legacy.
Komisar, A CIA Legacy.
Celik, Türkische Konterguerilla, 41 and Komisar, A CIA Legacy.
Celik, Türkische Konterguerilla, 151.
An essay by Talat Turhan entitled Die Konterguerilla Republik is contained in the book of Fikret Aslan
and Kemal Bozay: Graue Wölfe heulen wieder. Türkische Faschisten und ihre Vernetzung in der BRD (1997), 101 -
Compare the German essay by Talat Turhan entitled Die Konterguerilla Republik which is contained in
Aslan and Bozay, Graue Wölfe, 101 - 111.
Komisar, A CIA Legacy.
Calvo Sotelo asegura que Espana no fue informada, cuando entro en la OTAN, de la existencia de Gladio.
Moran sostiene que no oyo hablar de la red clandestina mientras fue ministro de Exteriores. In: Spanish daily
El Pais, November 21, 1990.
Calvo Sotelo asegura que Espana no fue informada, cuando entro en la OTAN, de la existencia de Gladio.
Moran sostiene que no oyo hablar de la red clandestina mientras fue ministro de Exteriores. In: Spanish daily
El Pais, November 21, 1990.
Spain says it never joined Gladio. TV says agents trained there. Reuters international news service,
November 23 1990.
Spain says it never joined Gladio. TV says agents trained there. Reuters international news service, November
23 1990.
Gerardo Serravalle, Gladio (Roma: Edizioni Associate, 1991), 82.
Joao Paulo Guerra, “Gladio” actuou em Portugal. In Portugese daily O Jornal, November 16, 1990.
Joao Paulo Guerra, “Gladio” actuou em Portugal. In Portugese daily O Jornal, November 16, 1990.
Senato della Repubblica. Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sul terrorismo in Italia e sulle cause della
mancata individuazione dei responsabiliy delle stragi: Il terrorismo, le stragi ed il contesto storico politico.
Redatta dal presidente della Commissione, Senatore Giovanni Pellegrino. Roma 1995, 204 and 241
Portugese daily Diario De Noticias, November 17, 1990.
Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sul terrorismo in Italia e sulle cause della mancata individuazione dei
responsabili delle stragi. 9th session, February 12, 1997,
Quoted in Stuart Christie, Stefano Delle Chiaie (London: Anarchy Publications, 1984), 29
Quoted in Stuart Christie, Stefano Delle Chiaie (London: Anarchy Publications, 1984), 29
Peter Dale Scott, Transnational Repression: Parafascism and the US. In: British periodical Lobster
Magazine, Nr. 12, 1986, 16.
Egmont Koch and Olivier Schröm, Deckname Aginter. Die Geschichte einer faschistischen Terror
Organisation, (17 pages. Unpublished), 8.
Peter Murtagh, The Rape of Greece. The King, the Colonels, and the Resistance (London: Simon and
Schuster, 1994), 29.
Jens Mecklenburg (ed.), Gladio: Die geheime Terrororganisation der Nato (Berlin: Elefanten Press,
1997), 19
Murtagh, Rape, 41.
Murtagh, Rape, 41.
Philip Agee and Louis Wolf, Dirty Work. The CIA in Western Europe. (Secaucus: Lyle Stuart Inc.,1978):
Agee and Wolf, Dirty Work.
Agee and Wolf, Dirty Work.
Murtagh, Rape, 114.
Agee and Wolf, Dirty Work, 154.
Jean-Francois Brozzu-Gentile, L’ affaire Gladio (Paris: Editions Albin Michel, 1994), 137.
International news service Associated Press, November 14, 1990.
Roger Faligot and Pascal Krop, La Piscine. Les Services Secrets Francais 1944 - 1984 (Paris: Editions du
Seuil, 1985), 85.
Jonathan Kwitny, The CIA’s Secret Armies in Europe. An International Story. In: The Nation, April 6
1992, 446-447.
Kwitny: The CIA’s Secret Armies in Europe.
Quoted in Gentile, Gladio, 141. Also quoted by international news service Associated Press, November
13, 1990.
Quoted in Leo Müller, Gladio. Das Erbe des Kalten Krieges. Der NATO Geheimbund und sein deutscher
Vorläufer (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1991), 14 .
Christopher Simpson, Blowback. America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold War
(London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1988), 44.
British periodical Searchlight, January 1991.
British periodical Searchlight, January 1991.
British periodical Searchlight, January 1991.
Müller, Gladio, 72.
Müller, Gladio, 130.
William Blum, Killing Hope. US Military and CIA interventions since World War II. (Maine: Common
Courage Press, 1995), 64.
Mecklenburg, Gladio, 82.
Anonymous. Austrian periodical Oesterreichische Militärische Zeitschrift, Heft 2, 1991, 123.
Transcripts of the German parliament. Deutscher Bundestag. 66. Sitzung, Bonn. 25. November 1981
Austrian political magazine Zoom, Nr. 4 /5, 1996: Es muss nicht immer Gladio sein. Attentate,
Waffenlager, Erinnerungslücken, 98.
German daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 23, 1996 .
Kwitny, The CIA’s Secret Armies.
Ian Traynor, Britain pressed to reveal arsenals: Austria demands truth on Allies’ cold war tactics. In British
daily The Guardian January 22. And Hella Pick, Britain hid arms in cold war Austria: Allies relied on
former Waffen SS personnel to repel potential Soviet invasion—US weapons may now be in the hands of neo-
Nazis. In British daily The Guardian, January 27, 1996.
Sam King, Hunt for secret US war gold grips Austria. In British daily The Sunday Times, January 28
International news service Agence France Press, January 22, 1996.
Schweizer Parlament: Bericht der Parlamentarischen Untersuchungskommission zur besonderen Klärung von
Vorkommnissen von grosser Tragweite im Eidgenössischen Militärdepartement. Bern. November 17, 1990,
pp. 200 and 204
Unnamed author, Schwarzer Schatten. Das eidgenössiche Gegenstück zu den Geheimsoldaten der NATO
hiess P26—eine private Truppe, heimlich finaziert aus der Bundeskasse. In German news magazine Der
Spiegel, December 10, 1990
Schweizer Bundesrat: Schlussbericht in der Administrativuntersuchung zur Abklärung der Natur von
allfälligen Beziehungen zwischen der Organisation P26 und analogen Organisationen im Ausland.
Kurzfassung für die Oeffentlichkeit. September 19, 1991.
Quoted in Jan devWillems, Gladio (Brussels: Editions EPO, 1991), 13.
“Belgian stay-behind 1991 Report.”
“Belgian stay-behind 1991 Report,” 47.
“Belgian stay-behind 1991 Report,” 47.NATO’S SECRET STAY-BEHIND ARMIES 95
Winter/Spring 2005
“Belgian stay-behind 1991 Report,” 53.
“Belgian stay-behind 1991 Report,” 54. Compare also: Boris Johnson, Secret war over identities of Gladio
agents. In British daily The Daily Telegraph, March 29, 1991.
Paul Koedijk, De Geheimste Dienst. Gladio in Nederland. De geschiedenis van een halve eeuw komplot
tegen de vijand In Vrij Nederland, January 25, 1992, 13.
Frans Kluiters, De Nederlandse inlichtingen en veiligheidsdiensten (Gravenhage: Sud,1993), 308.
International news agency Associated Press, November 14, 1990.
International news agency Associated Press, November 14, 1990.
Luxemburger Wort, November 15, 1990.
Luxemburger Wort, November 15, 1990.
Iver Hoj, Ogsa Danmark havde hemmelig haer efter anden verdenskrig. Danish daily Berlingske Tidende
November 25 1990.
Iver Hoj, Ogsa Danmark havde hemmelig haer efter anden verdenskrig. Danish daily Berlingske Tidende
November 25 1990.
Jacob Andersen, Mere mystik om dansk Gladio. Danish daily Information, November 26 1990
Iver Hoj, Ogsa Danmark havde hemmelig haer efter anden verdenskrig. Danish daily Berlingske Tidende
November 25 1990
International news service Associated Press, November 14 1990. Several texts in newspapers, journals
and books on the Gladio (re)discoveries in the 1990 related the 1978 Norway revelations. Compare:
British daily The Guardian, November 15 1990; Searchlight No. 187, January 1991, 4; Müller, Gladio,
International news service Associated Press, November 14, 1990.
International news service Associated Press, November 14, 1990.
Olav Riste, The Norwegian Intelligence Service 1945 –1970, (London: Frank Cass, 1999), 34.
Riste, Norwegian Intelligence Service, 47.
Riste, Norwegian Intelligence Service, 48.
Thomas Kanger and Oscar Hedin, Erlanders hemliga gerilla. I ett ockuperat Sverige skulle det nationella
motstandet ledas fran Äppelbo skola i Dalarna. In Swedish daily Dagens Nyheter, October 4, 1998.
Kanger and Hedin, Erlanders hemliga gerilla.
Kanger and Hedin, Erlanders hemliga gerilla.
British daily The Guardian, December 21, 1990.
Kwitny, The CIA’s Secret Armies in Europe.
Ronald Bye and Finn Sjue, Norges Hemmelige Haer - Historien om Stay Behind (Oslo: Tiden Norsk
Verlag, 1995), 71 and 75.
Jukka Rislakki, Vastarintaliike seurasi presidentti Kekkosen yhteyksiä. Unpublished.
Bye and Sjue, Norges Hemmelige Haer, 84. Dave Whipple in an interview with Erhard Helskog and
Finn Sjue in Washington on May 2, 1995.
Bye and Sjue, Norges Hemmelige Haer, 84. Dave Whipple in an interview with Erhard Helskog and
Finn Sjue in Washington on May 2, 1995.
Bye and Sjue, Norges Hemmelige Haer, 84. Dave Whipple in an interview with Erhard Helskog and
Finn Sjue in Washington on May 2, 1995.
German weekly Tageszeitung, August 17, 1991, quoting Swedish daily Dagens Nyheter, August 14, 1991.
International news service Reuters Western Europe, November 15, 1990.

Sunday, July 24, 2005

Strategy of Tension Tautens in Egypt

Sharm el-Sheik and the Strategy of Tension
Sunday July 24th 2005, 9:36 am

“Officials believe the mastermind behind [the Sharm el-Sheik] attacks could be linked to the attacks in October on resorts in the Sinai Peninsula resorts. The deadly tally in those attacks that entailed three explosions that destroyed hotels in Taba and two other Sinai resorts: 34 people, most of them Israelis,” writes Joe Gandelman in a news round-up. It is said the Abdullah Azzam Brigades of al-Qaeda in Syria and Egypt claimed responsibility for the Taba and Ras Shitan bombings.

Abdullah Azzam’s name rings a bell. A Palestinian university professor and member of the CIA-penetrated Muslim Brotherhood, Azzam set up the Services Office (Maktab al-Khadamat) a CIA- and Saudi-sponsored support organization for the mujahideen (through Prince Turki of Saudi intelligence) fighting the Soviets in Afghanistan, providing a network infrastructure based in Peshawar, Pakistan, that would later form the basis for al Qaeda, itself a CIA-ISI contrivance (see Gerecht, Atlantic Monthly, July 2001).

In short, the Sharm el-Sheik operation smells of CIA (in the current context, “CIA” translates into cooperation between several intelligence agencies—CIA, U.S. and British military intelligence, and Mossad—and “black” covert ops such as the bombings at Sharm el-Sheik are entirely off the books and use long-groomed assets such as al-Qaeda and other “Islamic terror” groups spawned by the long-compromised Muslim Brotherhood).

Soon after the Sharm el-Sheik bombings, NATO secretary general Jaap de Hoop Scheffer chimed in with an obligatory statement: the bombings “demonstrate that people of all nations and of all faiths are victims of the indiscriminate threat of terrorism. They also confirm the need for the international community to stand together to defend against this threat.” It is, to say the least, disingenuous of NATO to make such a proclamation, considering it provided financial and military support to al-Qaeda in Kosovo and Bosnia (a well-documented fact although never mentioned here in the United States—see Isabel Vincent, U.S. supported al-Qaeda cells during Balkan Wars). In short, we should take note when a terrorist-funding organization such as NATO issues statements in the wake of terrorist events. In addition to funding and supporting al-Qaeda in the Balkans, NATO worked closely with British intelligence agents and the CIA to create Operation Gladio (the Italian variant of a wide-ranging series of fascist, anti-communist covert paramilitaries)

As Daniele Ganser writes, Gladio-like operations spanned across Europe and beyond: “…in Belgium, the secret NATO army was code-named SDRA8, in Denmark Absalon, in Germany TD BDJ, in Greece LOK, in Luxemburg Stay-Behind, in the Netherlands I&O, in Norway ROC, in Portugal Aginter, in Switzerland P26, in Turkey Counter-Guerrilla, and in Austria OWSGV. However, the code names of the secret armies in France, Finland, Spain, and Sweden remain unknown… In order to guarantee a solid anti-communist ideology of its recruits, the CIA and MI6 generally relied on men of the conservative political Right. At times, former Nazis and right-wing terrorists were also recruited, and eventually these “right-wing terrorists” engaged in bombings and assassinations subsequently blamed on the left, part of a “strategy of tension” (from 1969 to 1974). Ganser writes:

In this age of global concern about terrorism, in which secret services are thought of as part of the solution and not as part of the problem, it is greatly upsetting to discover that Western Europe and the United States collaborated in establishing secret armed networks which in the majority of countries are suspected of having had links to acts of terrorism. In the United States, such nations have been called rogue states and are the object of hostility and sanction. Can it be that the United States itself, potentially in alliance with Great Britain and other NATO members, should be on the list of states sponsoring terrorism, together with Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Iran? Or, alternatively, is it plausible to assume the secret NATO armies operated for years beyond the control of legitimate political authorities?

For Ms. Ganser, this may be upsetting, but for many of us it is all too typical of the way the fascist and neolib (and neocon faction) state does business. Islamic terrorism, created in large part by the state (as amply documented), is a new (or extended) Gladio black op on steroids.

“Throughout history governments have used terrorism against their own people and created paper tiger enemies as a means of obtaining and retaining the trust of the masses in the process of gradually enslaving them,” write Paul Joseph Watson and Alex Jones. “The Anglo-American establishment that controls the military-industrial complex of the West has been caught over a hundred times carrying out bombings and other terrorist attacks around the world to further their corporate aims and to blame their enemies… How many of the family members of the London subway bombing victims are aware of the fact that in a 2000 investigation the Italian Senate concluded that the 1980 Bologna train bombing [a Gladio op] that killed 85 people was carried out by ‘men inside Italian state institutions and … men linked to the structures of United States intelligence’?”

It is impossible to ignore (unless you get your news exclusively from Fox) the links between Islamic terrorism and “structures of United States [and British and Italian] intelligence.” It makes absolutely no sense for “al-Qaeda” (and its variants) to kill innocent civilians at Sharm el-Sheik or in the subways of London—unless we are to presume, as the state and its various corporate media propaganda ministries would have us believe, that Muslims simply embrace an “evil ideology” and engage in senseless and pointless violence without logical political objectives. It should be obvious this violence benefits the United States and its collaborators in a well-orchestrated effort to build a military and police super-state (a “New World Order,” for lack of a better term). Sharm el-Sheik is but another step in a global strategy of tension (and terror) designed to build a frightened and thus illogical consensus for repressive police state tactics.

11 Comments so far
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I am pleased to be the first that can comment on this, as usual, excellent piece. Thank you Kurt for mentioning the destruction brought to Bosnia and Kosovo which means in essence to the Serbs as an entire people, just like it’s happening with the people in Iraq. In an interview with Saddam Hussein from a few years ago, I did read a very interesting thing: “Kuwait has always been an Iraqi-settled land and we went in there to secure it from foreign domination”. Knowing that Bosnia has been a Serb land since time immemorial (at least 910!) and that Kosovo is the very cradle of the 8000-year-old Serbian civilization, I think I have estabilished a link between two genocides as the West, ignorant of the history of other people as always, first goes around the world to grab lands from older civilizations and then at home, it keeps the public tense, scared and frightened. For example, those 200 pounds for an ID card must be terribly good for the UK state coffers. All Western nations live beyond their means and Peak Oil is here so any money they can make from the common working people is like gold! I fully agree on both political sides (left and right) in this country (Italy) being for this “war” and being part of the larger machinery. I also fully agree with Italy being directly linked with all the other spy agencies Kurt mentioned. The Bologna bombing is a perfect example as my relatives are saying, taking the train in this country right now isn’t a comforting thought if you are going on vacation. The shocking thing is you listed 15 European countries with stay-behind NATO armies! I had read that article, by the way but just re-reading it is sobering because you realize that safety in Europe is a hoax. In closing, thank you for the link to that perfectly truthful article on the Yugoslav wars against the Serbs. A truth that must be told and repeated since that scheme is simply a set-up genocide from which the West has engineered a pattern that can be used for all these acts of state-sponsored terrorism. I will be glad to see what you think of my comment and once more Kurt, congratulations, great work!

Comment by Marco 07.24.05 @ 9:51 am

More good links [gladio], just google … links to are a warranty of high-level articles
[ links to Kurt’s articles by the way]

** The Provocateur State: Is the CIA Behind the Iraqi
“Insurgents”–and Global Terrorism? Frank Morales,

** The Pentagon’s ‘NATO Option’, Lila Rajiva,

** NATO*s secret armies linked to terrorism? Daniele

** Coup d’*tat in Disguise: Washington’s New World Order
“Democratization” Template, Jonathan Mowat,

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