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Wednesday, June 30, 2010

OBAMA ASSASSINATION -- 32 caliber pistol

Obama's Truman-MacArthur Moment

By Ray McGovern June 22, 2010

Update: On Wednesday, President Barack Obama accepted the resignation of Gen. Stanley McChrystal and appointed Gen. David Petraeus to replace him. Obama stated that McChrystal.s resignation was necessary to protect the principle of civilian authority over the military, but Petraeus.s appointment was meant to show that the Afghan war policies wouldn.t change.

Journalist Michael Hastings has given Rolling Stone magazine a graphic account of the arrogance, disarray and ineptitude that distinguish what passes for President Barack Obama.s policy on Afghanistan. For those of us with some gray in our hair, the fiasco is infuriatingly reminiscent of Vietnam.

In blowing off steam to Hastings, NATO/U.S. commander Gen. Stanley McChrystal and his top aides seem to have decided that, at this low point in the Afghanistan quagmire, political offense is the best defense for a military strategy sinking from waist to neck deep.

In interviews with Hastings, McChrystal and his team direct mockery at many senior-level officials of the Obama administration. For instance, one of McChrystal.s aides refers to Obama.s national security adviser James L. Jones as a "clown."

Members of McChrystal.s inner circle also quote the general as saying he was "pretty disappointed" with an Oval Office meeting and describing Obama as "intimidated" by McChrystal and other generals.

Commenting on the controversy Tuesday, Obama said McChrystal and his team had shown "poor judgment" but the President added that he wanted to speak with McChrystal directly before making any decision on firing him.

Two administration officials who are spared harsh criticism from McChrystal.s team are Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Defense Secretary Robert Gates, who were considered key supporters of McChrystal.s insistence last year that Obama boost U.S. troop levels in Afghanistan to about 100,000.

In praise for Clinton, one of McChrystal.s entourage told Hastings, "Hillary had Stan.s back during the [last fall.s] strategic review." Another aide added, "She said, .If Stan wants it, give him what he needs.."

As for Gates, McChrystal spared his boss from criticism perhaps still expecting support from the chameleon-like Pentagon chief, who will first want to check the surrounding foliage before selecting the best camouflage color.

However, in a statement on Tuesday, Gates said McChrystal had committed "a significant mistake" in the handling of the Rolling Stone interviews.

In Hastings.s exposure of the backbiting over policy in Afghanistan, the bottom line is best articulated by a predicate adjective beginning with the letter "f" and ending with "--ucked-up."

Some variation of that vulgarism is used repeatedly by the macho McChrystal and his pseudo-macho staffers, whom Hastings interviewed at length.

Hastings.s copious quotes make it seem as if everyone but McChrystal and his merry men are responsible for the fecklessness on Afghanistan.

But their comments also betray a realization that their particular brand of can-do, cut-and-paste counterinsurgency has brought what Thomas Henry Huxley defined as tragedy; namely, "the slaying of a beautiful hypothesis by an ugly fact."

Defeat in Afghanistan

McChrystal and his supporters have failed miserably and they know it, but they lack any measure of being gracious -- or honest -- in defeat.

Worse still for McChrystal is the fact that his archrival, retired Lt. Gen. Karl Eikenberry, now ambassador to Afghanistan, has been proven correct "beyond reasonable doubt," so to speak, in challenging McChrystal.s adolescent views regarding how to turn the Afghan mess around.

Last year, Eikenberry told Obama that McChrystal.s whiz-bang counterinsurgency strategy was nonsense, and that Obama should look beyond a military solution.

Anyone with a modicum of experience can now see that it was Eikenberry who had it right during last year.s policy review. The texts of two cables he sent to Washington in early November were published in the New York Times. [For more on Eikenberry-McChrystal, see "Obama Ignores Key Afghan Warning."]

The Rolling Stone article is also strike two for McChrystal's insubordination. His first strike came last fall when his recommendation for 40,000 additional troops was leaked to the press. He also publicly dismissed a more targeted approach toward attacking al-Qaeda terrorists reportedly advocated by Vice President Joe Biden.

The leak of McChrystal.s recommendation came well before Obama had decided on a course of action, but the timely disclosure cornered the President, who didn.t dare push back against his generals and remind them about the U.S. principle of civilian control of the military.

In an ironic twist -- since the leak of his memo cornered Obama on the Afghan "surge" -- McChrystal complained to the Rolling Stone's Hastings that he felt "betrayed" by the leak of Ambassador Eikenberry.s cables to Washington.

"Here.s one that covers his flank for the history books," the general said. "Now if we fail, they can say, .I told you so.."

Does that not suggest that McChrystal is fearful of failure -- and of taking the blame?

What is clear is that there is not enough room in Kabul for both McChrystal and Eikenberry. One of them has to be given his marching orders, and I would not rule out the possibility it will be Eikenberry.

This would be bereft of all logic; rather it would be testament to Obama.s fear of McChrystal -- not to mention the President.s apparent inability to understand that Afghanistan amounts to Vietnam Redux.

As for how McChrystal.s inner circle views Vice President Biden, the Rolling Stone article recounts a joke in which McChrystal mentions Biden.s name and one of the general.s top advisers replies, "Did you say .Bite me.?"

Obama is No Harry Truman

After publication of the Rolling Stone article, some pundits are predicting McChrystal will be fired -- as he should have been last fall. [See, for instance, "Should Obama Fire Gen. McChrystal?"]

The general is now back in Washington to face the music. Reportedly, he has prepared a letter of resignation. But Obama might prefer a well-orchestrated minuet with the general rather than a requiem. Maybe McChrystal is even expecting a chorus of "he.s a jolly good fellow" from the "intimidated" President

That.s not how it.s always been. When Gen. Douglas MacArthur issued an unauthorized statement containing a veiled threat to expand the Korean War to China at a time when Truman was preparing to enter peace negotiations with North Korea and China, MacArthur was fired in place.

One strike and MacArthur was out -- because Truman could take the heat. In contrast, Obama has shown himself to be an accommodating fellow on issue after issue. It seems far from certain he would fire the White House groundskeeper, even if caught urinating on the flowers in full view of summer tourists.

Little can account for Obama.s promotion of McChrystal to his current post, except for a strange blend of cowardice tinged with ignorance. McChrystal had been Vice President Dick Cheney.s right-hand man in running Special Forces hit-squad assassins and torturers in Iraq.

For these endeavors, McChrystal has accumulated a fearsome following of what might be called the "worst of the worst" among both the U.S. military and Blackwater-style mercenaries. Here is Hastings on McChrystal.s entourage:

"The general.s staff is a handpicked collection of killers, spies, geniuses, patriots, political operators, and outright maniacs. There.s a former head of British Special Forces, two Navy Seals, an Afghan Special Forces commando, a lawyer, two fighter pilots and at least two dozen combat veterans and counterinsurgency experts. -- they pride themselves on their can-do attitude and their disdain for authority."

For good measure, Hastings adds a troubling vignette. Someone apparently called his attention to what Hastings calls "a piece of suspense fiction" written by McChrystal for the literary magazine at West Point while he was studying there. Hastings includes a description of the short story:

"The unnamed narrator appears to be trying to stop a plot to assassinate the President. It turns out, however, that the narrator himself is the assassin, and he.s able to infiltrate the White House: .The President strode in smiling. From the right coat pocket of the raincoat I carried, I slowly drew forth my 32-caliber pistol--I had succeeded.."

To be on the safe side, though, Obama may wish to put on a bulletproof vest before he meets with McChrystal on Wednesday.

The Unspeakable

Obama might be forgiven for fearing for his own personal safety, particularly if he has read James Douglass.s book, JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died & Why It Matters.

Kennedy inherited a senior military that then-Under Secretary of State George Ball called a "sewer of deceit." They lacked confidence in Kennedy.s steadfastness before the menace of Communism, and salivated over how to maneuver the young president into military confrontations. These included operations to provoke war with Cuba, the Soviet Union, China, North Vietnam -- you name it.

The senior military and the CIA bitterly resented Kennedy.s adamant refusal to be mouse-trapped into ordering U.S. forces to rescue those Cuban counter-revolutionaries marooned on the beach of the Bay of Pigs and send in U.S. troops to get rid of Fidel Castro once and for all.

A lesser-known challenge to Kennedy came in early March 1962, when JCS Chairman Gen. Lyman Lemnitzer proposed a plan called "Operation Northwoods" to justify a U.S. invasion of Cuba. Working from declassified documents for his book Body of Secrets, James Bamford gave the following concise description:

"Operation Northwoods, which had the written approval of the Chairman and every member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, called for innocent people to be shot on American streets; for boats carrying refugees fleeing Cuba to be sunk on the high seas; for a wave of violent terrorism to be launched in Washington, D.C., Miami, and elsewhere.

"People would be framed for bombings they did not commit; planes would be hijacked. Using phony evidence, all of it would be blamed on Castro, thus giving Lemnitzer and his cabal the excuse, as well as the public and international backing, they needed to launch their war."

Kennedy rebuffed the JCS, creating still more bad blood that eventually would help seal his fate, in my opinion.

In his book, James Douglass lists some of the other grievances held against the young president by the super-patriot Joint Chiefs of Staff, who thought of themselves as self-appointed, authentic guardians of the United States against the Communist threat -- not the Constitution they took an oath to defend, if it got in the way.

During the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962, the top military were aghast at Kennedy.s unwillingness to risk war with the Soviet Union by invading Cuba. After Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev found a way to stop at the brink of nuclear catastrophe, both saw more clearly than ever a mutual interest in preventing another such occurrence.

This led to a sustained backchannel dialogue from which the Joint Chiefs were excluded, and of which they were highly distrustful.

The kiss of death -- literally, I am persuaded -- came when Kennedy ordered the withdrawal of 1,000 U.S. troops from Vietnam by the end of 1963 and the bulk of the rest of them by 1965.

To the senior military that was proof positive that Kennedy was soft on Communism, which -- if you can believe it -- was an even more heinous offense in those days that being soft on terrorism is today.

Kennedy Gone, Johnson Caves

President Lyndon Johnson knew no better than to let himself become captive to the same military leaders -- the more so, since he was determined not to be the first U.S. president to lose a war. They assured him the war in Vietnam -- sorry, I mean the counterinsurgency -- could be won.

And they were sure they knew best how to do that. (As a result, young Army infantry officers like me were required to educate ourselves on the writings of Che Guevera and Mao Zedung, but, alas, not those of the more profound military strategist, Sun Tzu, from two and a half millennia earlier.)

There was a conventional side to the Vietnam War as well, and conventional provocations. A prime example is the U.S.-military-provoked incident in the Tonkin Gulf on Aug. 2, 1964.

Under severe pressure from the Joint Chiefs and other senior military, President Lyndon Johnson ordered Defense Secretary Robert "we-were-wrong-terribly-wrong" McNamara to use the faux-incident to deceive Congress into approving the fateful Tonkin Gulf resolution to "justify" seven years of additional war against the Vietnamese Communists.

William Fulbright, then chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, later said that the thing he regretted most during his tenure was letting himself be snowed by the military into pushing for approval of the Tonkin Gulf resolution.

And George Ball added: "There.s no question that many of the people who were associated with the war were looking for any excuse to initiate bombing [North Vietnam] -- [T]he sending of a destroyer up the Tonkin Gulf was primarily for provocation."

Could Have Been Worse

Pentagon Papers truth-teller Daniel Ellsberg, of all people, has said that President Lyndon Johnson has not been given enough credit. For what, you might ask? Well, Johnson let himself be persuaded by the military, but only up to a point.

In a talk on the 30th anniversary of the publication of the Pentagon Papers, Ellsberg said he was convinced that Johnson and McNamara came to see their main task as protecting the country from the outlandish proposals urged on them by senior U.S. military officials, proposals fraught with the danger of widened war with China, perhaps even involving the use of nuclear weapons.

According to Ellsberg, Johnson saw a need to give the JCS just enough to satisfy them to the point where they would not resign and go public with their proposals for escalating -- and "winning" -- the war.

It was a difficult tightrope to walk. Johnson and McNamara lived in fear that the majority of Americans could be persuaded by arguments the administration knew to be dangerously crazy.

More sober and experienced advisers like George Ball, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, and Assistant Secretary of State William Bundy were advising the President simply to get out of Vietnam.

Ellsberg indicated that this option was not even seriously considered by Johnson at the time. Rather, priority was given to a middle course, providing the military with just enough to keep them quiet.

And Today?

Am I suggesting that Barack Obama now faces a similar situation with respect to Afghanistan? I am. And I would cite the fawning adulation given Gen. David Petraeus, head of the Central Command, last week during his congressional testimony as, well, testimony to that.

Obama.s Afghan dilemma is this: Although the escalation that McChrystal demanded is in shambles, the general cannot be expected to leave quietly, nor with any graceful acknowledgement that he was wrong.

If he agrees to quit -- and he and Petraeus blame the U.S. defeat on everyone but themselves -- there will be considerable resonance. As the mid-term elections loom in November, Obama and his Democratic colleagues do not want to have to contend with charges of being soft on Communism -- sorry, I mean terrorism.

It.s the same dynamic Johnson and Humphrey faced and were foiled by.

So hold onto your hats. McChrystal has given the President the unexpected opportunity to change course and leave behind the fool.s errand called Afghanistan. But the general has also thrown down the gauntlet.

I wish I were more confident that the President has the backbone to face into this critical challenge with some courage.

Ray McGovern works with Tell the Word, the publishing arm of the ecumenical Church of the Saviour in inner-city Washington. He served as an Army infantry/intelligence officer in the early Sixties and then as a CIA analyst for the next 27 years. He is now a member of the Standing Group, Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS).

Friday, June 25, 2010

9/11 aircraft speed
WHAT THEY DO NOT REALIZE IS THAT THERE WERE NO PLANES ON 11 september 2001. YES, The Boeings where holographic images, illuminated by (airborne?) laser and carried by a rocket or drone.


Here the original article by irate pilots.

NASA Flight Director Confirms 9/11 Aircraft Speed As The "Elephant In The Room"

06/22/2010 - ( Recently Pilots For 9/11 Truth have analyzed the speeds reported for the aircraft utilized on 9/11. Numerous aviation experts have voiced their concerns regarding the extremely excessive speeds reported above Maximum Operating for the 757 and 767, particularly, United and American Airlines 757/767 Captains who have actual flight time in all 4 aircraft reportedly used on 9/11. These experts state the speeds are impossible to achieve near sea level in thick air if the aircraft were a standard 757/767 as reported. Combined with the fact the airplane which was reported to strike the south tower of the World Trade Center was also producing high G Loading while turning and pulling out from a dive, the whole issue becomes incomprehensible to fathom a standard 767 can perform such maneuvers at such intense speeds exceeding Maximum Operating limits of the aircraft. Especially for those who research the topic thoroughly and have expertise in aviation.

Co-Founder of Pilots For 9/11 Truth Rob Balsamo recently interviewed a former NASA Flight Director in charge of flight control systems at the NASA Dryden Flight Research facility who is also speaking out after viewing the latest presentation by Pilots For 9/11 Truth - "9/11: World Trade Center Attack".

Retired NASA Senior Executive Dwain Deets published his concerns on the matter at the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (AIAA) as follows:

A Responsibility to Explain an Aeronautical Improbability
Dwain Deets
NASA Dryden Flight Research Center (Senior Executive Service - retired)
AIAA Associate Fellow

The airplane was UA175, a Boeing 767-200, shortly before crashing into World Trade Center Tower 2. Based on analysis of radar data, the National Transportation and Safety Board reported the groundspeed just before impact as 510 knots. This is well beyond the maximum operating velocity of 360 knots, and maximum dive velocity of 410 knots. The possibilities as I see them are: (1) this wasn't a standard 767-200; (2) the radar data was compromised in some manner; (3) the NTSB analysis was erroneous; or (4) the 767 flew well beyond its flight envelope, was controllable, and managed to hit a relatively small target. Which organization has the greater responsibility for acknowledging the elephant in the room? The NTSB, NASA, Boeing, or the AIAA? Have engineers authored papers, but the AIAA or NASA won't publish them? Or, does the ethical responsibility lie not with organizations, but with individual aeronautical engineers? Have engineers just looked the other way?

The above entry remained at the moderated AIAA Aerospace America Forum for approximately two weeks before being removed without explanation.

Dwain Deets credentials and experience are as follows:

Dwain Deets
MS Physics, MS Eng
Former Director, Aerospace Projects, NASA Dryden Flight Research Center
Served as Director, Research Engineering Division at Dryden
Recipient of the NASA Exceptional Service Award
Presidential Meritorious Rank Award in the Senior Executive Service (1988)
Selected presenter of the Wright Brothers Lectureship in Aeronautics
Associate Fellow - American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (AIAA)
Included in "Who's Who in Science and Engineering" 1993 - 2000
Former Chairman of the Aerospace Control and Guidance Systems
- Committee of the Society of Automotive Engineers
Former Member, AIAA Committee on Society and Aerospace Technology
37 year NASA career

Much controversy has surrounded the speeds reported for the World Trade Center attack aircraft. However, none of the arguments for either side of the debate have been properly based on actual data, until now. Pilots For 9/11 Truth have recently analyzed data provided by the National Transportation Safety Board in terms of a "Radar Data Impact Speed Study" in which the NTSB concludes 510 knots and 430 knots for United 175 (South Tower) and American 11 (North Tower), respectively. A benchmark has been set by the October 1999 crash of Egypt Air 990, a 767 which exceeded it's maximum operating limits causing in-flight structural failure, of which data is available to compare to the WTC Attack Aircraft.

Egypt Air 990 (EA990) is a 767 which was reported to have entered a dive and accelerated to a peak speed of .99 Mach at 22,000 feet. Boeing sets maximum operating speeds for the 767 as 360 Knots and .86 Mach. The reason for two airspeed limitations is due to air density at lower vs. higher altitudes. To understand equivalent dynamic pressures on an airframe of low vs. high altitude, there is an airspeed appropriately titled "Equivalent Airspeed" or EAS[1]. EAS is defined as the airspeed at sea level which produces the same dynamic pressure acting on the airframe as the true airspeed at high altitudes.[2]

Pilots For 9/11 Truth have calculated the Equivalent Airspeed for EA990 peak speed of .99 Mach at 22,000 feet as the equivalent dynamic effects of 425 knots at or near sea level. This airspeed is 65 knots over max operating for a 767, 85 knots less than the alleged United 175, and 5 knots less than the alleged American 11. Although it may be probable for the alleged American 11 to achieve such speed as 430 knots is only 5 knots over that of EA990 peak speed, It is impossible for the alleged United 175 to achieve the speeds reported by the NTSB using EA990 as a benchmark.

Pilots For 9/11 Truth have further studied if a 767 could continue controlled flight at such reported speeds. According to the NTSB, EA990 wreckage was found in two distinct debris fields, indicating in-flight structural failure which has been determined to have occurred a few seconds after recording peak speed. Based on EA990, it is impossible for the alleged United 175 to have continued controlled flight at more than 85 knots over the speed which failed the structure of EA990.

Full detailed analysis, including analysis of a recent simulator experiment performed, and interviews with United and American Airlines 757/767 Pilots can be viewed in the new presentation, "9/11: World Trade Center Attack" available only at Although other factors come into play within the transonic ranges, Dynamic pressure is dynamic pressure. Math doesn't lie. Boeing needs to release wind tunnel data for the Boeing 767. Despite the fact that the data can be fabricated, such a release of data may alert more pilots and engineers to the extremely excessive speeds reported near sea level for the Boeing 767 in which they can decide for themselves.

Founded in August 2006, Pilots For 9/11 Truth is a growing organization of aviation professionals from around the globe. The organization has also analyzed Flight Data provided by the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) for the Pentagon Attack and the events in Shanksville, PA. The data does not support the government story. The NTSB/FBI refuse to comment. Pilots For 9/11 Truth do not offer theory or point blame at this point in time. However, there is a growing mountain of conflicting information and data in which government agencies and officials refuse to acknowledge. Pilots For 9/11 Truth Core member list continues to grow.

Posted 19 April 2010
A Responsibility to Explain an Aeronautical Improbability
Dwain Deets
NASA Dryden Flight Research Center (Senior Executive Service - retired)
AIAA Associate Fellow

The airplane was UA175, a Boeing 767-200, shortly before crashing into World Trade Center Tower 2. Based on analysis of radar data, the National Transportation and Safety Board reported the groundspeed just before impact as 510 knots. This is well beyond the maximum operating velocity of 360 knots, and maximum dive velocity of 410 knots. The possibilities as I see them are: (1) this wasn't a standard 767-200; (2) the radar data was compromised in some manner; (3) the NTSB analysis was erroneous; or (4) the 767 flew well beyond its flight envelope, was controllable, and managed to hit a relatively small target. Which organization has the greater responsibility for acknowledging the elephant in the room? The NTSB, NASA, Boeing, or the AIAA? Have engineers authored papers, but the AIAA or NASA won't publish them? Or, does the ethical responsibility lie not with organizations, but with individual aeronautical engineers? Have engineers just looked the other way?

Friday, June 18, 2010

FALSE FLAG FICTION - Portguese Nobel

The Election With No Results

Jose Saramago's timely political parable.

By Michael Wood -- Posted Monday, April 10, 2006, at 6:24 AM ET

Jose Saramago has a taste for alternative realities, for the use of fiction as a form of speculation. In one of his novels (The Stone Raft, 1986), the Iberian Peninsula breaks off physically from the rest of Europe and floats away into the Atlantic. In another (The Gospel According to Jesus Christ, 1991), we read a detailed account of Christ's inmost thoughts. In yet another (Blindness, 1995), a sudden affliction unknown to science robs a whole population of its sight. There is a political edge to all these stories, and more than a hint of allegory. But none of them is as openly political as Seeing, Saramago's new novel, first published in Portuguese in 2004. In the other works things inexplicably happen to people; in this one people are what happen to a whole country, and especially to its capital.

The novel opens with an elegant deception, a form of bluff. There is terrible weather in the city on election day; no one is showing up at the polling booths. Perhaps no one will come at all, and this will be the country's first election with absolutely no votes cast. But the weather clears up, and people start voting even in the rain. Absence is not the problem. The problem is the votes themselves: 13 percent for the party on the right, 9 percent for the party in the middle and, 2.5 percent for the party on the left. The rest of the votes, more than 70 percent, are blank. The government, in consternation but still clinging to the constitution, has the mandatory second election the following week. This time 83 percent of the votes are blank. The people of the city have not abstained from voting, and they have not spoiled their ballots. They have not written in candidates. They have democratically objected to the particular form of democracy on offer.

This is not, of course, how the government sees it, and the press dutifully follows the government's line. One editorial writes of a "dissolute use of the vote." The minister of the interior speaks of the need to make the populace "realize that the unfettered use of the blank ballot paper would make the democratic system unworkable." The first half of the novel recounts the government's unavailing maneuvers in the face of the situation. Thinking the problem is confined, or can be confined, to the city, they declare a state of emergency in the capital; then a state of siege; then the government and all governmental services except firefighters leave the city; then the city is sealed off.

AL-CIAda -- google GLADIO and you know who did this (Madrid 11 March 2004)

The government blows up a railway station, (bologna GLADIO) hoping the citizens will blame it on terrorists and/or foreign agitators. The citizens see through this at once. The government's next hope is that a huge, peaceful demonstration will turn sour or violent, and the press does everything it can to encourage this possibility. The demonstration remains peaceful.

At this point the government receives a letter that sends its ministers back to their memories of the plague of blindness in the same city four years earlier—and that sends the readers back to Saramago's earlier novel. The letter reminds us that one woman, closely in contact with this highly contagious disease, retained her sight throughout the epidemic. Isn't this suspicious, the letter-writer insinuates. Could she be behind the new epidemic, the refusal of democracy as we know it? The government, always on the lookout for stories of conspiracy, thinks this is worth investigating and sends three undercover police officers back into the city. The second half of the novel reports on their adventures. I shan't reveal the ending, which is both entirely predictable, given the unfolding logic of this novel, and deeply shocking all the same. All I shall say is that one of the policemen has a change of heart about his job and resigns. And that the novel ends with a dialogue between two blind men. Who are they? Just two blind men, or the first outriders of a return of the plague?

And what exactly is the relation between Seeing and the earlier novel about blindness? How is voting symbolically like losing your sight? Do the blank voters resemble blind people in any way? Well, yes, if you're a leader of one of the parties that are being ignored. And yes, if you're a suddenly powerless government. But what if it's the government who resembles blind people? This is the argument offered by a dissenting Cabinet minister. Then the voters would be seeing clearly, and the connection between blankness and blindness would vanish. Saramago's titles (in Portuguese literally An Essay on Blindness and An Essay on Lucidity) play subtly on these contrasting possibilities, and on one page of Seeing, the two key words face each other resolutely. The prime minister says "the blank vote is as destructive a form of blindness [cegueira] as the first one," and the minister of justice replies, "Either that or a form of clear-sightedness [lucidez]." Then he resigns.

Where are we in this novel? At one moment the president of the country addresses the "men and women of Portugal," but the narrator rushes in to say that this location is an "entirely gratuitous supposition." He adds that the Portuguese are known "for having always exercised their electoral duties with praiseworthy civic discipline and religious devotion." This is fairly complicated mischief, since the second sentence includes an ironic reference to the dictatorship that ruled Portugal for so long, and has a little anti-clerical flip in its tail. But the overall point is clear and challenging. These events have not happened in Portugal, or anywhere that boasts of being a democracy. But perhaps they should. We could think the government's sinister reactions in this novel are a warning to would-be radical democrats; but Saramago almost certainly wants us to think they are a sign of how much that radical democracy is needed.

Saramago's skillful translator Margaret Jull Costa shrewdly renders "lucidity" as "seeing," and drops the word "essay" from the two titles since Saramago's joke will hardly carry across into English. These are novels, not essays. But they do glance at the essay form. The people in these works don't have names, only roles: the minister of justice, the doctor's wife, the policeman, the officer of the polling station, and so on. Their exchanges of speech are marked only by commas and upper-case letters; no quotation marks, no line spacing. Both characters and dialogue are clustered into social forms, as if a whole culture were talking and acting through its most identifiable representatives. And the ostensible organizer of all this is Saramago's narrator, a friendly, garrulous sort who apologizes for his digressions and his use of overfamiliar idioms and regrets at one point that an "explanation did not prove to be quite as succinct as we promised." Yet he can be sharp, in his slightly fussy way, describing a man as "sleeping the sleep of the just, as people used to say in the days when they believed that the just existed." Here is how he records a conversation between police officers:

    If there's no guilty party, we can't invent one, Are those your words or the minister's, Oh, I doubt they're the minister's words, at least I don't remember having heard him say them, Well, sir, I've never heard them all the time I've been in the police...

This is the essayist as satirist; the novelist hides behind the essayist and wonders what we think.

I'm making the method sound rather abstract, and certainly the tone of the work is strange; a kind of domesticated alienation effect, Brecht made bureaucratic. But the irony is too firm and funny, and the characters too engaged with their fates and those of others, for the work to feel abstract as we read it, and in a paradoxical movement, people become more individual because they have only their roles and their language to mark them. "What we dream also happens," the doctor's wife says to a policeman. He replies, "Hopefully not everything," and she asks him if he has a particular reason for saying that. He has, but he denies it. A little later he wonders whether the doctor and his wife, who must see him as their enemy, are sure they really want him to stay for lunch. Yes, they're sure. "And you're not afraid I might be tricking you." The doctor's wife says, "Not with those tears in your eyes, no." It's hard to see how the allocation of proper names could make this scene more intense or these people more human; indeed, proper names might subtract something, invite us to miss the way the sheer humanity of roles and speech and action may take us beyond our names, our ready-made psychological or civil identities.

In a famous poem, written in East Germany in 1953, Brecht quotes a contemporary as saying that the people have lost the trust of the government. Would it not therefore be easier, Brecht slyly asks, to dissolve the people and have the government elect another one? Saramago's novel is a

File:Jose Saramago-Sep2006.jpg

José de Sousa Saramago, GColSE  (Portuguese pronunciation: [ʒuˈzɛ sɐɾɐˈmaɡu]; (November 16, 1922 – June 18, 2010) was a Nobel-laureate  Portuguese  novelist, playwright  and journalist. His works, some of which can be seen as allegories, commonly present subversive perspectives on historic events, emphasizing the human factor. Saramago was awarded the Nobel Prize for literature in 1998. He founded the National Front for the Defense of Culture (Lisbon, 1992) with Freitas-Magalhães and others. In the last years of his life, he lived in Lanzarote  in the Canary Islands, Spain.

Saramago was born into a family of landless peasants in Azinhaga, Portugal, a small village in the province of Ribatejo some hundred kilometers northeast of Lisbon. His parents were José de Sousa and Maria de Piedade. "Saramago", a wild herbaceous plant known in English as the wild radish, was his father's family's nickname, and was accidentally incorporated into his name upon registration of his birth. In 1924, Saramago's family moved to Lisbon, where his father started working as a policeman. A few months after the family moved to the capital, his brother Francisco, older by two years, died. He spent vacations with his grandparents in a village called Azinhaga. When his grandfather suffered a stroke and was to be taken to Lisbon for treatment, Saramago recalled, "He went into the yard of his house, where there were a few trees, fig trees, olive trees. And he went one by one, embracing the trees and crying, saying good-bye to them because he knew he would not return. To see this, to live this, if that doesn't mark you for the rest of your life," Saramago said, "you have no feeling." Although Saramago was a good pupil, his parents were unable to afford to keep him in grammar school, and instead moved him to a technical school at age 12. After graduating, he worked as a car mechanic for two years. Later he worked as a translator, then as a journalist. He was assistant editor of the newspaper Diário de Notícias, a position he had to leave after the political events in 1975. After a period of working as a translator he was able to support himself as a writer. Saramago married Ilda Reis in 1944. Their only child, Violante, was born in 1947. From 1988 until his death in June of 2010 Saramago was married to the Spanish journalist Pilar del Río, who is the official translator of his books into Spanish.

José Saramago was in his mid-fifties before he won international acclaim, when his publication of Baltasar and Blimunda brought him to the attention of an international readership. This novel won the Portuguese PEN Club Award. Saramago has been a member of the Portuguese Communist Party since 1969,[1] as well as an atheist[2] and self-described pessimist.[3] His views have aroused considerable controversy in Portugal, especially after the publication of The Gospel According to Jesus Christ.[4] Members of the country's Catholic community were outraged by Saramago's representation of Jesus as a fallible human being. Portugal's conservative government would not allow Saramago's work to compete for the European Literary Prize, arguing that it offended the Catholic community. As a result, Saramago and his wife moved to Lanzarote, an island in the Spanish Canaries.[5]

During the 2006 Lebanon War, he signed a statement together with Tariq Ali, John Berger, Noam Chomsky, Eduardo Galeano, Naomi Klein, Harold Pinter, Arundhati Roy and Howard Zinn, condemning what they characterized as "a long-term military, economic and geographic practice whose political aim is nothing less than the liquidation of the Palestinian nation".[6] He stood unsuccessfully as a candidate for the European Parliament in the 2009 election.[7]

Blindness is the story of an unexplained mass epidemic of blindness afflicting nearly everyone in an unnamed city, and the social breakdown that swiftly follows. The novel follows the misfortunes of a handful of characters who are among the first to be stricken and centers around a doctor and his wife, several of the doctor's patients, and assorted others, thrown together by chance. This group bands together in a family-like unit to survive by their wits and by the unexplained good fortune that the doctor's wife has escaped the blindness. The sudden onset and unexplained origin and nature of the blindness cause widespread panic, and the social order rapidly unravels as the government attempts to contain the apparent contagion and keep order via increasingly repressive and inept measures.

The first part of the novel follows the experiences of the central characters in the filthy, overcrowded asylum where they and other blind people have been quarantined. Hygiene, living conditions, and morale degrade horrifically in a very short period, mirroring the society outside.

Anxiety over the availability of food, caused by delivery irregularities, act to undermine solidarity; and lack of organization prevents the internees from fairly distributing food or chores. Soldiers assigned to guard the asylum and look after the well-being of the internees become increasingly antipathetic as one soldier after another becomes infected. The military refuse to allow in basic medicines, so that a simple infection becomes deadly. Fearing a break out, soldiers shoot down a crowd of internees waiting upon food delivery.

Conditions degenerate further, as an armed clique gains control over food deliveries, subjugating their fellow internees and exposing them to rape and deprivation. Faced with starvation, internees do battle and burn down the asylum, only to find that the army has abandoned the asylum, after which the protagonists join the throngs of nearly helpless blind people outside who wander the devastated city and fight one another to survive.

The story then follows the doctor and his wife and their impromptu "family" as they attempt to survive outside, cared for largely by the doctor's wife, who still sees (though she must hide this fact at first). The breakdown of society is near total. Law and order, social services, government, schools, etc., no longer function. Families have been separated and cannot find each other. People squat in abandoned buildings and scrounge for food; violence, disease, and despair threaten to overwhelm human coping. The doctor and his wife and their new "family" eventually make a permanent home and are establishing a new order to their lives when the blindness lifts from the city en masse just as suddenly and inexplicably as it struck.

Sunday, June 13, 2010


FIRST, here the tame version... (you have to read between the lines
to get a hint on what might be happening).. further down you find
really good info...

Friday, June 11, 2010 Özgür Ögret

ISTANBUL - Hürriyet Daily News

As the Ergenekon case marks its third year of arrests and indictments, it remains to be seen whether the ongoing investigation will help Turkey leave behind shadowy .deep state. allegations or further embroil the country in a power struggle between the ruling party and its critics. The Daily News looks back at key events and figures and what it all may mean

It had all the makings of a political drama that would go down in history: secret caches of weapons, dead-of-the-night arrests and an alleged coup conspiracy featuring gang leaders uniting with top military and business figures.

But three years since the discovery of 27 hand grenades in an Istanbul neighborhood marked the start of the Ergenekon story, the ongoing case has dulled into wave after wave of seemingly indistinguishable arrests, indictments and documents. With more than 200 figures now detained in connection with the alleged ultranationalist, shadowy gang, is Turkey any closer to the truth?

The case is "moving further and further away from reality" in its third year, according to journalist Gareth Jenkins, whose report "Between Fact and Fantasy: Turkey.s Ergenekon Investigation" criticizes the case from day one. Ergenekon, Jenkins said, is "quickly becoming a major embarrassment for the legal system although its supporters consider it a great achievement."


When asked if he can foresee an end to the investigation, Jenkins said, "When you look at it objectively, [the case] is going to collapse eventually."

Oral Calis,lar, a columnist for daily Radikal, disagreed, saying the case has "reached its goal" by most counts and is only progressing slowly because so many suspects are involved. "As far as I can see, this case [was opened] to prevent a coup ... [and] many people who were allegedly going to take part in the coup are now under arrest or under judicial surveillance so they cannot carry it out," Calislar said. "I believe this case has made a positive contribution to the democratization process of Turkey and the preventing of coups."

The main debate around the case has centered on whether it is a valiant effort to take down the "deep state" -- a nebulous collection of security personnel, mafia figures members of Cold War-era Gladio "stay-behind" networks and secularist elites who act for their own benefit, independently of whatever government is in charge -- or simply a Justice and Development Party, or AKP, hoax that the ruling party has concocted to silence its opposition.

Detractors say attempts to close the AKP for "anti-secular activities" and other judicial and military pressures have led the ruling party to embark on a campaign against the opposition. And as time passes, even the case.s heartiest supporters are beginning to wonder why many civilians languish in jail without a conviction when the alleged military masterminds of the coup remain free.

"Ergenekon is a case about democratizing the state versus purging [it of corruption] for me, but the arrests take the legitimacy away from it," said lawyer Mücteba Kiliç, the president of the Taraf Readers Association, adding that it is routine for the Turkish judiciary to arrest every suspect and then release those who are found innocent. According to Kiliç, the case has not reached every wing of the Ergenekon gang. "They could not reach everyone; people who have publicly committed crimes are still out [there]," he said.

In addition, Kiliç said the case has actually been proceeding rapidly given how many suspects are involved because "even a standard murder case [in Turkey] with a single case lasts eight to nine years."

The murder of Priest Andrea Santoro in Trabzon on Feb. 5, 2006, the three bombings of daily Cumhuriyet in Istanbul in May 2006, the attack on the Counsel of State that led to the death of a judge on May 17, 2006, and the Zirve massacre in Malatya on April 18, 2007, are all part of the Ergenekon indictments.

Two Ergenekon indictments are currently being heard in court this year; the second and third cases were merged Aug. 7, 2009, and a fourth is said to be on the way.

Ergenekon prior to 2007

Though June 12, 2010, marks the third year of the discovery of 27 hand grenades in a shanty house in Istanbul belonging to a retired non-commissioned officer, Ergenekon was first mentioned in a TV news program in 1996 by journalist and author Can Dündar, as he explains in his book co-written with Celal Kazdag(li, "Ergenekon: Devlet I.çinde Devlet" (Ergenekon: Government Within a Government), first printed in 1997.

Scholar and author Dr. Erol Mütercimler said on Dündar.s show "40 Dakika" (40 Minutes) that he was first told about Ergenekon by high-ranking Gen. Memduh Ünlütürk at the famous Ziverbey Villa where people were questioned after the 1971 coup. "It is an organization that is above the chief of General Staff, bureaucracy, government, everybody," Mütercimler said on the show.

"It was founded after 1960 by the CIA and the Pentagon. Generals who receive counter-guerilla training in America join it when the day comes.
It features military officers, police personnel, professors, journalists, businessmen, ordinary people."

Ironically, Mütercimler was among the people who were arrested within the scope of the Ergenekon case in 1997. He.s just one of the 200 journalists, writers, military personnel, gang leaders, scholars, businessmen, lawyers, civil servants and politicians who have been detained thus far.

Ergenekon founded by CIA+Pentagon


April 6-7, 2010

Gulen charges Ergenekon tied to Afghan heroin smuggling and Cheney

Dateline Istanbul -- WMR was told by representatives of the charismatic Turkish Islamic leader Fethullah Gulen, currently living in exile in Pennsylvania in the United States, that the wide-ranging Ergenekon "deep state" in Turkey that has permeated the military, media, and judiciary, has funded itself through the trade in heroin from Afghanistan, through Turkey, to the West. The drug smuggling operation, according to the Gulen circles, has been carried out with the participation of the Turkish Worker's Party (PKK), the Kurdish insurgent group often credited with carrying out terrorist attacks in Turkey that were actually, in many cases, done by Turkish intelligence and military agents in the Ergenekon operation.

The Gulen representatives also revealed that it was not possible for the PKK to smuggle drugs from Afghanistan without the active help of the Turkish "police and bureaucracy."

Gulen, who WMR has reported to have had his own close dealings with American intelligence and players in the Turkish bureaucracy, is the leader of an Islamic group that is a hybrid of U.S.-style charismatic evangelism in the mold of Billy Graham but with the extensive media and business holdings in the mode of Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church. Gulen, who preaches love, interfaith dialogue, and non-violence, is a popular figure among the rank-and-file of Turkey.

Gulen fled to the United States in 1997 and was later charged by the Turkish government with running a terrorist network. Gulen denied the charge and the case was dismissed in 2007. The President, Prime Minister, and Justice Minister cleared Gulen of all charges brought against him.

However, Gulen has chosen to remain in the United States. His supporters claim that Gulen has made a concordat with Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) and both Gulen and Erdogan realize that any return of Gulen to Turkey will take attention away from the AKP's agenda. Part of that agenda is to eliminate the last vestiges of Ergenekon, a leftover from what the Gulen representatives claim is the Gladio network in Turkey. Gladio was a NATO operation designed to leave armed "stay behind" networks in NATO and neutral European states in the event of a Soviet invasion and occupation. In Italy, West Germany, Belgium and other nations, Gladio networks were discovered to have been involved in several "false flag" terrorist attacks that were later blamed on leftist elements.

On April 5, Turkish police arrested 86 people suspected of being involved in Ergenekon's 2003 plot, code named Operation Sledgehammer, to overthrow Erdogan's government by staging false flag attacks on mosques and shooting down a Turkish jet fighter and blaming the incident on Greece. WMR has learned that Mossad elements were involved heavily in the operation to overthrow Erdogan.

Gulen also believes if he were to return to Turkey, his supporters would be targeted by Ergenekon. Relations between Gulen and Erdogan were not always so close. For example, early in his political career, Erdogan was said by the Gulen representatives to have embraced the Islamic concept of suffering of the oppressed rather than freedom. The Gulen camp believes that the suffering of the oppressed is a concept originating in Saudi Arabia among the Wahhabist branch of Islam. However, Erdogan and Gulen now find themselves on the same page politically and in matters of religious tenets. Gulen believes that the AKP is the only party that defends democratic values and that there is no alternative and that the AKP, which Gulen believes has gravitated to his ideas, now stands alone in defending democratic values.

On August 6, 2009, WMR reported on the deposition of former FBI Turkish translator Sibel Edmonds. In her testimony, Edmonds described Turkey's "Deep State" intelligence apparatus in the United States. WMR reported, "The Turkish Deep State involves shadowy organizations, including the Fetullah Gulen Islamic movement, which was linked to the CIA by Justice Department prosecutors; Ergenekon, a Turkish intelligence operation that is accused of carrying out false flag terrorist attacks in Turkey and which has been linked to Israel's Mossad, and the right-wing Grey Wolves, a group that, along with Ergenekon, appears to have grown out of America's 'Gladio' Cold War-era 'stay behind' network."

There is some background that suggests that the Gulen movement was involved to some degree with the Turkish Deep State. The Gulenists are an outgrowth of the Said Nursi movement. Nursi was another charismatic Islamic figure who preached against materialism but also against communism. During the Cold War, the Nursi sect attracted the attention of the CIA, which found an ally in pushing for Turkey's membership in NATO, CENTO, and participation in the Korean War.

On December 2, 2008, WMR reported: "In polls, some one-third of the Turkish public believe Islamist Nurcu sect charismatic leader Grand Hodja Fethullah Gulen, who lives in Pennsylvania, is part of a movement that aims to seize control of the Turkish state and a little over a third believe that Gulen is funded by 'international powers.' After he was acquitted in Turkey of attempting to overthrow the secular state with his religious organization, Gulen was first denied a Permanent Resident Card or 'Green Card' to remain in the United States by the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania but then an appeals court granted Gulen a Green Card. In October of this year, a federal appellate court found that U.S. immigration authorities improperly rejected Gulen's request for a Green Card. The appeals court ruled that Gulen was 'an alien of extraordinary ability'" a decision that saw approval of Gulen's residency status. Observers of the case suspect the CIA intervened with the court on Gulen's behalf. Gulen's support for the AKP government may be an insurance policy by the CIA to maintain a close relationship with the 'Islamist tendency' AKP government in Ankara. The Bush administration, after seven years of trying to deport Gulen to Turkey, suddenly dropped its opposition to his permanent residency status. The public prosecutor in the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service (USCIS) case against Gulen's permanent residency status argued in filed documents that Gulen's movement was financially supported by Saudi Arabia, Iran, the Turkish government, and the 'Central Intelligence Agency.' The deposition stated that some Ankara businessmen donated up to 70 percent of their income to Gulen's movement."

In discussions in Istanbul on April 5 with members of the Gulen organization, it was revealed that Gulen blames his U.S. green card rejection squarely on then-Vice President Dick Cheney and the Department of Homeland Security, then headed by the pro-Israeli Michael Chertoff. Gulen believes that Cheney, because of his own ties to Ergenekon, put pressure on Homeland Security to reject Gulen's application for the extraordinary talent residency permit. Apparently, Gulen still has enemies in the United States. Since Erdogan's rift with Israel, Gulen has stated that the "neocons and Ergenekon" are giving him trouble.

Gulen appears to have a point. Based on seized Ergenekon documents, Gulen and his movement, since their concordat with Erdogan and the AKP, has figured high on the Ergenekon hit list.


WMR has obtained an English translation of an article that appeared in the Istanbul daily Tarafon June 12, 2009 that outlines Ergenekon's plans to disrupt the Gulen movement (and includes textbook examples of media disinformation and psychological warfare operations campaigns):



Taraf has uncovered a new "Action Plan to Combat Reactionaryism", which belongs to the Office of the Chief of Staff. According to the plan, emphasis would be made that the officers arrested as part of Ergenekon investigation were "innocent" and propaganda would be staged that AKP has eventually aimed at introducing "a regime taking religious principles as a basis".

It is uncovered that the Office of the Chief of Staff has prepared a new action plan titled, "combating reactionaryism". The plan prepared by Naval Infantry Staff Senior Colonel Dursun Çiçek in April 2009 clearly voices concern over Ergenekon investigation. A call is made to stage actions "before the agenda of Ergenekon investigation is changed" as it is aimed at giving high profile to those news articles that the active and retired officers arrested under Ergenekon have been put in jail just because they were fighting reactionary Islam.

The new plan belonging to the Office of the Chief of Staff, that was seized in the office of Lawyer Serdar Öztürk, a former officer now practicing as a lawyer, who was arrested as part of Ergenekon investigation, were taken down under minutes and are now expected to incorporated into the third indictment on Ergenekon. At the same time, Öztürk was acting as the attorney for Colonel Levent Göktas,, a member of the Special Forces, who was also arrested under Ergenekon.

Support Section Directorate No 3 of the Operations Department in the Office of the Chief of Staff is the new title of the Psychological Warfare Department. Any planning made for the Office of the Chief of is now being executed by this section. The new plan belonging to the Office of the Chief of Staff, that was seized in the office of Lawyer Serdar Öztürk, a former officer now practicing as a lawyer, who was arrested as part of Ergenekon investigation, were taken down under minutes and are now expected to incorporated into the third indictment on Ergenekon.


The part, "Current Status", of "the Action Plan To Combat Reactionaryism", which comprises four pages criticizes Ergenekon investigation: "Intensive activities are carried out by the religiously reactionary groups to erode the image of the official institutions of the state, particularly TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) as efforts are under way to blacken the names of retired and active military staff, who have made substantial contributions to TSK, by charging unfounded allegations against them as part of Ergenekon."


The part, "Unfriendly Elements", of the plan claims that it is aimed at having "a regime based on religious principles" by eroding TSK:

- TSK is regarded as the sole institution that would prevent their aim of establishing a regime based on religious principles by disbanding Atatürk.s Principles and Revolutions and toppling the secular, democratic and social state of law;

- They publish any information and documents seized, which erode TSK through the media which support them;

- They attempt to prove that the meetings of unity and solidarity in which the public has shown intensive interest have been intentionally planned by Ergenekon;

- It is claimed that TSK cooperates with various terror networks including PKK terror network under Ergenekon roof.

- False news articles are developed that the top level commanders are Jewish, Armenian, pro-Sebatay, etc.;

- They broadcast audio and video recordings which they claim belong to TSK staff in order to keep the public opinion pre-occupied and cause information pollution.


The plan prepared by Colonel Çiçek also refers to "the Friendly Elements", which would be used against reactionary Islam. Here are those "friends":

- Propaganda efforts revealing the actual faces of the religiously reactionary groups are carried out via the press and publication organs in an orchestrated manner.

- Information activities are executed for TSK staff and their members.

- Those members of the staff, who are believed to have been infiltrated into TSK, and their families are followed and placed under control.

- Measures are introduced on the issue of computer and document security.



In reference to Ergenekon operation under the part, "Media Activities", a call is made for preparation of news articles that TSK members are "innocent":

- Persons such as I.skender Evrenselog(lu and Ömer Öngüt we keep on hold ready for action will be ordered to stage actions and speeches catching public interest and these persons will be identified with other reactionary Islamist groups, particularly FG followers so that the public opinion may establish analogy between any such groups.

- It will be ensured that any TSK staff members seized or agreeing to disclose would make statements in line with the themes determined by us and that such disclosure would have wide coverage in the press.

- News articles will be fabricated that TSK staff members arrested under Ergenekon investigation are innocent and that they are slandered just because they effectively fight reactionary Islam. - It will be ensured that figures such as Nurettin Veren would make statements about FG group on TV programs in line with the themes determined by us.

- By commissioning news articles that as TSK staff members belonging to other religious societies such as Kurdog(lu, etc., are disassociated with TSK, they have been expelled on ground of their affiliation with FG group so that there would be public opinion that FG group suffered substantial damage.

- News articles will be commissioned that no action being staged by PKK terrorist organization against any schools, classrooms and hostels in the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions as well as in the north of Iraq, which are owned by FG followers is a clear sign of a link between the two networks and also of an agreement between them.


- Series such as "Kurtlar Vadisi" (The Valley of the Wolves), "Kollama" (Protection) and "Tek Türkiye" (The Only Turkey), which are popularly viewed by the public, misleading the public opinion on the current events must suffer loss of reliability by commissioning adverse news articles on them.

- By ensuring an intensive coverage of images and news articles showing the school students belonging to the National Education Ministry as they practice worshipping, the public image of the National Education Ministry will be degraded.

- News articles will be commissioned that AKP followers have not given up on their luxurious life styles at a time when the impact of the economic crisis is acutely felt in our country so that the public opinion would be informed of the fact that this situation "conflicts with the Islamic understanding" and further that their approach, "man of the people", never reflects the reality.

- By constantly keeping current any news articles about Armenia and Greece, which would lead to public reaction, expansion of the base of the nationalist parties will be ensured.



Noting that a "duty" must be undertaken under the circumstances, the plan says: "to put an end to the hesitancy over this issue by revealing the internal face of the religiously reactionary elements and eradicate public support for such networks. To minimize the impact of the erosive campaigns staged under Ergenekon, to put an end to the negative propagandas carried out against TSK".

This is followed by the part, "execution", of the plan and these phrases are used: "Information support activities will be executed to bring out to light the facts on the radical religious groups, particularly AKP government promoting the idea of establishing an Islamic state based on Islamic Law by overthrowing the secular and democratic order and various groups and Fetullah Güven group supporting it, to break the public support and put an end to their activities".

- By causing the key communication specialists, who are AKP followers, to make contradictory statements publicly, it will be ensured that there would be public perception that AKP internally experienced serious disagreement and divisions.


According to the plan, there is a requirement that the activities be put into motion in three parts synchronously with each other. The items required to be done are listed by the part, "Planning and General Activities" as follows:

- The propagandas to be executed will focus on the theme that there is no opposition to religion.

- Actions: the agenda for Ergenekon case is being changed.



- It will be ensured that by getting connected to any radio and television programs having a high audience under a different identity during live broadcasting, speeches are made under the disguise of a FG follower, commenting like a teased TG follower: "Yes, brother, anybody causing trouble to us is an Ergenekon sympathizer. It is a big duty for us to cause trouble to them. Nobody would be capable of dealing with us".


The conclusive part of the plan covers "Black Propaganda Activities". Here is that part:

- Voice recordings which would be identified as having been broadcast by the religiously reactionary elements and cause listeners to find us justifiable will be arranged in order to create information pollution over the issue of voice recordings which have recently led to considerable repercussions.

- It shall be ensured that any staff members captured by fabricating cause publicly in connection with various information and documents would provide statements that they were FG followers and once such staff members were made public by the press, news articles shall be ordered about their morally negative aspects.

- It will be ensured with regard to the staff members as identified above that by identifying as their closest associates the most negative person in their circle of friends no matter that person is an ordinary figure, there would be a belief that this was actually the internal face of FG followers.

- It will be ensured that any objects associated with any elements (Jews, CIA, MOSSAD, Moon Sect, Houmeini, etc.) through which a link is intended to be established with FG followers, apart from any weapons and munitions there, would be on the same location by causing house raids to be staged on the basis of tips.

- It will be ensured that information and documents rekindling the Anti-Alawite feelings would be present in such houses as part of house raids.

- It will be ensured that there would be public opinion that FG group suffered substantial damage by commissioning news articles that any TSK members having association with religious societies such as Kurdog(lu, etc., have been expelled from service solely on ground of their association with FG group at the time when they would be disassociated with TSK.

The theme, "Fettullah Güven (FG) followers have gotten out of control, directly attacking TSK", will be covered; in this scope, campaigns will be staged causing the citizens to comment: "This is beyond the limit! We are Muslim like them but FG followers are obviously making provocation to attack TSK".

- Campaigns will be staged tipping on any religiously reactionary officers and non commissioned officers carrying out reactionary activities, who are in the category of objectionable / suspicious staff members and consequently, news articles will be commissioned about their morally negative aspects.

- By developing frightening propaganda against any other reactionary TSK staff members who could not be identified under the operation made against reactionary TSK staff members, it will be ensured that such persons would be uncovered by forcing them to make mistakes or would give in voluntarily.

- By ensuring that material such as weapons, munitions, plans, etc., would be found as part of the "Is,?k Evleri" raids to be made under military offenses in line with forming an armed terror network, FG group would be categorized under an "Armed Terror Network" or "Pro-Fettullah Armed Terror Network" (FSTÖ), with any investigation thereof being carried out under the military judiciary.

- The issue of moderate Islamist will be particularly emphasized, with the fact that FG followers act under the US guidance and that they aim to degrade the core of Islam being voiced intensively.


It is now uncovered that the Office of the Chief of Staff has prepared a new action plan titled, "combat reactionaryism". The new plan belonging to the Office of the Chief of Staff, that was seized in the office of Lawyer Serdar Öztürk, a former officer now practicing as a lawyer, who was arrested as part of Ergenekon investigation, were taken down under minutes and are now expected to incorporated into the third indictment on Ergenekon. At the same time, Öztürk was acting as the attorney for Colonel Levent Göktas,, a member of the Special Forces, who was also arrested under Ergenekon.




Noting that a "duty" must be undertaken under the circumstances, the plan says: "to put an end to the hesitancy over this issue by revealing the internal face of the religiously reactionary elements and eradicate public support for such networks. To minimize the impact of the erosive campaigns staged under Ergenekon, to put an end to the negative propagandas carried out against TSK".

This is followed by the part, "execution", of the plan and these phrases are used: "Information support activities will be executed to bring out to light the facts on the radical religious groups, particularly AKP government promoting the idea of establishing an Islamic state based on Islamic Law by overthrowing the secular and democratic order and various groups and Fetullah Güven group supporting it, to break the public support and put an end to their activities".

- By causing the key communication specialists, who are AKP followers, to make contradictory statements publicly, it will be ensured that there would be public perception that AKP internally experienced serious disagreement and divisions.




In reference to Ergenekon operation under the part, "Media Activities", a call is made for preparation of news articles that TSK members are "innocent":

- Persons such as I.skender Evrenselog(lu and Ömer Öngüt we keep on hold ready for action will be ordered to stage actions and speeches catching public interest and these persons will be identified with other reactionary Islamist groups, particularly FG followers so that the public opinion may establish analogy between any such groups.

- It will be ensured that any TSK staff members seized or agreeing to disclose would make statements in line with the themes determined by us and that such disclosure would have wide coverage in the press.

- News articles will be fabricated that TSK staff members arrested under Ergenekon investigation are innocent and that they are slandered just because they effectively fight reactionary Islam. - It will be ensured that figures such as Nurettin Veren would make statements about FG group on TV programs in line with the themes determined by us.

- By commissioning news articles that as TSK staff members belonging to other religious societies such as Kurdog(lu, etc., are disassociated with TSK, they have been expelled on ground of their affiliation with FG group so that there would be public opinion that FG group suffered substantial damage.

- News articles will be commissioned that no action being staged by PKK terrorist organization against any schools, classrooms and hostels in the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions as well as in the north of Iraq, which are owned by FG followers is a clear sign of a link between the two networks and also of an agreement between them.


- Series such as "Kurtlar Vadisi" (The Valley of the Wolves), "Kollama" (Protection) and "Tek Türkiye" (The Only Turkey), which are popularly viewed by the public, misleading the public opinion on the current events must suffer loss of reliability by commissioning adverse news articles on them.

- By ensuring an intensive coverage of images and news articles showing the school students belonging to the National Education Ministry as they practice worshipping, the public image of the National Education Ministry will be degraded.


- By constantly keeping current any news articles about Armenia and Greece, which would lead to public reaction, expansion of the base of the nationalist parties will be ensured.


April 7-8, 2010

Turkey declaring independence from Kemalists and their Israeli backers

The reformist Turkish government of Prime Minister Racep Tayyip Erdogan is under a major attack by subversive elements of the Turkish "Deep State," known as the Ergenekon network. In just the past week, scores of military officers and others have been arrested and then released and re-arrested in a showdown between the government and judicial officials appointed under a military-influenced Constitution. The officers are charged with trying to overthrow the government in a plot hatched in 2003 called Operation Sledgehammer. The plan would have seen members of the Turkish military bomb mosques and attack museums filled with tourists with Molotov cocktails. The attacks were designed to weaken support for Erdogan and the Islamic religious movement of Fethullah Gulen and eventually lead to a military coup.

One of the basic principles of Erdogan's Justice and Development (AK) Party is amending the Constitution to eliminate the vestiges of two previous military coups in 1960 and 1980. Ergenekon wants to ensure the proposed constitutional changes, which preserves the military's and deep state's control over the Constitutional Court and other bodies are never enacted.

Erdogan now faces a critical moment. Since January, there have been four assassination attempts against the Turkish Prime Minister. Furthermore, WMR has learned that the attempts to kill Erdogan have been linked to the Israeli Mossad, which has been authorized to take any action to kill the Turkish Prime Minister who has criticized Israel over its attacks on Gaza and Lebanon. The plans to kill Erdogan have included using snipers and blowing up his aircraft in flight. WMR has been told by a reliable source that Mossad is using its Turkish network, including Ergenekon operatives, to carry out an attack on Erdogan and then hide behind its "policy of ambiguity."

In just the past few days, the Israeli government and media have stepped up personal attacks on Erdogan, with the Jerusalem Post opining that Erdogan is in danger of becoming a Hugo Chavez, a reference to Venezuela's president, and Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman suggesting that Erdogan will become another "Qaddafi," a reference to the Libyan leader.

The AKP initiative to re-unify Cyprus, split between the Greek-controlled Republic of Cyprus in the south and the Turkish Republic of North Cyprus (TRNC) in the north has also irritated the Israelis and Mossad. Since gambling is illegal in Turkey, many Turks flock to the gambling casinos set up in the TRNC. Russian-Israeli Mafia elements have a huge stake in the casinos and any attempt to change the political status quo in north Cyprus jeopardizes the Israeli crime syndicate's financial interests. Erdogan's main opposition, the Republican People's Party (CHP), which adheres to the Kemal Ataturk philosophy of secular fascism, is behind the TRNC. The CHP has been the public face of opposition to Erdogan while Ergenekon has been operating in the shadows to oust the government through coups and assassinations. The CHP has exacerbated tensions by using the Turkish word for "cockroaches" to describe Turkish women who wear the traditional Islamic scarf.

The Ergenekon network staged a major false flag operation in 2007 when one of its operatives went to the Council of State in Ankara, a citadel for the Kemalist judiciary, shot and killed a judge and wounded other people. The shooter then cried out "Allahu Akbar!" -- "God is great." The Kemalist press began calling the shooting "Turkey's 9/11" and suggested the AKP government was encouraging Islamic terrorists. The Ergenekon-influenced Hurriyet carried the front page banner: "September 11 of Turkey." After being shown to have carried neocon and Ergenekon propaganda, the two former "main stream" papers, Hurriyet and Milliyet, have been eclipsed by other papers, including Zaman, that are covering details of Ergenekon and on-going trials.

The entire Council of State operation was carried out by Ergenekon to weaken the AKP government. Many Turks agree that the United States, like Turkey, has a "Deep State" capable of carrying out false flag terrorist attacks against its own citizens. When asked if they thought the 9/11 attacks in America may be an American Deep State operation, many Turks merely smile. A few others offer up the belief that America's Deep State has been responsible for much more than 9/11 over the years.

A high-ranking official of Turkey's government-owned TRT television network told WMR that he doubts the authenticity of several video and audio tapes said to be from Osama bin Laden. TRT plans to start a 24-hour global news channel in English designed to expose how Bin Laden is "being manipulated" by other interests and expose the "manipulation" of Turkey in the U.S. media. The official said TRT English will bring the "true news" to people around the world but conceded that the new network will also "anger the big powers." The official said that his network has shown the Turkish people the killing of a popular journalist in Istanbul and false flag bombings in Istanbul and Ankara and that the Turkish people on the street are seeing through the game being played by the hidden deep state actors of Ergenekon.

The Ergenekon movement also operates its own non-governmental organizations (NGOs), many of which are run by retired generals. These think tanks are the source for much of the disinformation being used against the AKP, such as that it wants to re-establish a "caliphate" in Turkey. This propaganda is then picked up and disseminated by such neocon think tanks at the Jewish-run Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) and the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA). The U.S. corporate media, such as The New York Times, laps up the Ergenekon propaganda after it is re-stamped with the Jewish imprimatur.

WMR has also learned of Israeli intelligence fingerprints on the assassination of popular Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2007. In 2007, Dink was assassinated in Istanbul by a 17-year old Turkish nationalist linked to Ergenekon. There were reports that attempted to link Dink's assassination to Kurdish Hezbollah and Islamists. However, WMR has been told by reliable sources in Ankara that Dink had enraged the Israelis and Turkey's Jewish and crypto-Jewish supporters of Ergenekon by suggesting that the secret society "Young Turks" political party of the pre-World War I era in the Ottoman Empire -- the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) --was backed by the Rothschild family of Germany to hasten the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire -- an event that would enable the establishment of a Zionist state in Palestine. The political heirs of the CUP is the CHP -- which has been linked to Ergenekon. Dink had uncovered links between the CUP and a Sephardic Jew from Salonika named Emanuel Carasso, later changed to Karasu. Karasu, who was also the Grand Master of Macedonia Rissorta Freemason Lodge in Salonika, was the front for the Rothschilds in the Ottoman Empire and the primary backer of the CUP. It is interesting to note that the billionaire George Soros is very much like Caraso in that he fronts for the Rothschilds in influencing politics with large outlays on money around the world, including through Open Society Institute NGO constructs in Turkey.

More recently, a Turkish Jew named Tuncay Guney, now in exile in Canada, has been identified as a Turkish intelligence agent, code-named "Ipek" or "Silk," who worked with Ergenekon and infiltrated the Kurdish Worker's Party (PKK), the Gulen movement, and the police intelligence JITEM organization. However, WMR has learned that Guney had another employer, Israel's Mossad, and that his escape in June 2001 from Istanbul to New York was facilitated by the CIA station in Istanbul.


The following is another text translated into English of a Turkish government report on Ergenekon, including its role in the 2007 Council of State attack:

The investigation officially began after the Trabzon Gendarmerie Headquarters' tip-off line received an anonymous call on June 12, 2007 saying that 27 grenades and C-4 explosives belonging Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) were to be found at Güngör Sokak No 2, Çakmak Mahallesi, Ümraniye district, Istanbul. This led to arrests of two suspects, Oktay YILDIRIM and Mahmut ÖZTÜRK. An investigation of the network of acquaintances of the suspects turned up more information and snowballed into the present situation. First, a search of Y?ld?r?m's office in Reina and Muzaffer TEKI.N's house revealed a secret document titled "Ergenekon-Lobi" about the group's plans. Statements from detainees led to arrests of several other following suspects: Kuddusi OKKIR was arrested and a search in his place revealed the intelligence documents titled as "The Re-structure of the State", "Attack on the Turkish Council of State" and "Atabey.s Operation." Mehmet Zekeriya ÖZTÜRK was arrested with these documents: "Ergenekon-Lobi", "Reorganization of Gladio and Mafia in Turkey", human smuggling and special reports on Alevi population along with some other top secret notes in his possession. Both Ayd?n YÜKSEK, who was dishonorably discharged from Turkish National Police, and Muzaffer S,ENOCAK, who introduced himself as an officer in the Special Forces, were arrested in accordance to testimonies of Ays,e Asuman ÖZDEMI.R, Gazi GÜDER, Halil Behiç GÜRCI.HAN and Muzaffer TEKI.N. During S,ENOCAK.s interrogation, police retrieved enough probable cause to arrest Fikret EMEK, where police also seized long-barrel rifles, grenades, explosives and explosive components at his house. The investigation also identified the operational unit Kuvay? Milliye Derneg(i (National Forces Society), which was established legitimately. Later other organizational documents, assassination plans along with some other top secret documents were seized in the possession of Ismail YILDIZ and Ergun POYRAZ. For example, documents belonging to Turkish General Staff as well as Turkish Army Command along with several secretly collected records on civil servants, representatives, ministers and even about the prime minister were found at Ergun Poyraz possession.

Police also detected the other group members, who were under the command of Muzaffer TEKI.N and Zekeriya ÖZTÜRK.

After corresponding with other state agencies, the officials found out that ETO (Ergenekon Terror Organization) had no affiliation with Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) as well as Turkish National Intelligence Agency (MIT).

Documents seized from Muzaffer TEKI.N and testimonies as well as the statements from Tuncay GÜNEY helped to prove the existence of ETO and enlighten the official investigation. Consequently, the investigation identified the people like Veli KÜÇÜK and M. Fikri KARADAG( along with organizations like Kuvay? Milliye Derneg(i (National Forces Society-1919) and Milli Güç Birlig(i (National Power Union) in regards to the ETO. This led to arrest of Veli KÜÇÜK, Sami HOS,TAN, Ali YASAK, Mehmet Zekeriya ÖZTÜRK, Güler KÖMÜRCÜ, Sevgi ERENEROL, Kemal KERI.NÇSI.Z, Ümit OG(UZTAN, Mehmet Fikri KARADAG( Özer KORKMAZ, Abdullah ARAPOG(ULLARI, Erdal I.RTEM, Hüseyin Gazi OG(UZ, Kahraman S,AHI.N, Erkut ERSOY, Recep Gökhan SI.PAHI.OG(LU, Og(uz Alparslan ABDÜLKADI.R, Raif GÖRÜM, Hüseyin GÖRÜM, Yas,ar ARSLANKÖYLÜ, Tanju OKAN, Muhammet YÜCE, I.lhan GÖKTAS,, Atilla AKSU and As?m DEMI.R. In fact, officials found the original documents which were mentioned in the testimonies of Tuncay GÜNEY along with several other notes, plans and documents related to structure of Ergenokon Terror Organization (ETO) in the home of Veli KÜÇÜK.

During the search at Sevgi ERENEROL.s house, police seized a document called Ergenekon in Depth as well as the card indexes that have private information on some university faculty members reflecting their "political, philosophical or religious views, ethnic backgrounds, unlawful, moral tendencies, sexual lives and/or relationships to any syndicates".

It was also revealed that Mehmet Fikri KARADAG( had been planning to commit shocking assassinations. The structure of Turkish Revenge Brigades (Türk I.ntikam Tugay? - TI.T) and the assassination plans were all decoded during this investigation. As a result, Emin GÜRSES, H. Ümit SAYIN, Vedat YENERER and other suspects were arrested.

Subgroups under the leadership of I.lhan SELÇUK, Kemal Yalç?n ALEMDAROG(LU and Dog(u PERI.NÇEK were revealed and several top secret government documents, attack plans against Supreme Court of Appeals (YARGITAY) and NATO were also seized. For example the headquarters of Labor Party and some of party officials had personnel files of NATO base and files on unlicensed guns, plans indicating the structure of headquarter cell-houses, assassination plans against the members of Supreme Court of Appeals (YARGITAY), documents about President Abdullah GÜL, which were taken exactly from the sections of indictment against AK Party and security details belonging to Yas,ar BÜYÜKANIT, then-Chief of the Staff. In addition, a letter which was handwritten by I.lhan SELÇUK indicated the payment of 500 thousand dollars for a job to be done by Oral ÇELI.K and notes detailing this meeting regarding about this job were found in I.. SELÇUK.s possession.

Osman YILDIRIM identified both Veli KÜÇÜK and Muzaffer TEKI.N as the masterminds behind the grenade attack against Cumhuriyet Newspaper and Council of State (DANIS,TAY) shooting.


After 1999, the organization began to be more open in civil public. By writing the hierarchical structure, purpose and aims of the organization and dividing responsibilities of each unit among its members with its leadership, the organization has planed to establish a state-like structure within the state.

In these written documents, the members of ETO viewed themselves as the true owners of the state, saw all the other government officials as traitors; also believed that the Constitution alone was not enough to make country safe and secure; thus, they all agreed on the necessity of a secret government-like structure to govern the state behind the curtain and for this reason members should commit assassinations against the major targets , if necessary, to make everybody obedient to Ergenekon structure.


According to the General Staff, the documents, which were seized during the raids, were all counterfeited and forged by a computer technology to look like documents written in accordance to Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) regulations. Turkish National Intelligence Agency (MI.T) viewed ETO as group of people, who target the current regime using force for to advance their self-interests. On the other hand, the Turkish National Police saw ETO as a professional and skilled organization. An organization, which has a division of labor among its members, financial power to provide the training and logistics as well as the future action plans for these members; and an organization where more than three people have come together to exchange information and interact in secrecy around these mentioned aims and goals.

Overall, when the weapons and guns seized in many raids as along with detailed attack plans and blueprints of the Supreme Court of Appeals (YARGITAY) building and ETO.s compliance to kill policy are all taking into consideration, ETO is perfectly fits into the definition of armed terrorist organization in the Law on the Fight Against Terrorism.


a- THE RESTRUCTURE OF THE ERGENEKON (from the original document dated October 29, 1999):

The document called "Ergenekon" defines the organization.s purpose, aims, modus operandi, membership profile, financial sources, and leadership cadres in details. According to Tuncay GÜNEY, this document was collaborative work of Dog(u PERI.NÇEK, Hasan YALÇIN, Deniz BI.LGE, retired Colonel Suphi KARAMAN and himself in Bilecik province by Veli KÜÇÜK.s instruction. The title "PURPOSE" is stated as "to contribute the restructuring process of Ergenekon that operates within the Turkish Armed Forces".

b- THE RE-STRUCTURE OF THE STATE (from the original document dated November 25, 1999): This document contains the titles like the re-structure of the state, campaign of revolution for the republican state, strengthening the Army.s position on Republican revolution, the organization of media and etc.


Under the section called "Unseen", the underground structure is mentioned.

d- Document Titled "LOBI"(December 1999)

Like in the "Ergenekon" document, it has mentioned about the organization of non-military matters.

Overall, it was understood FROM THE SEARCH OF DOCUMENTS that;

.the organization has adopted the military discipline; therefore, the members, who have left or betrayed the organization, were subjected to death; the organization was in heavy preparations during 1999 and 2000; these documents were written to contribute the re-structure of the ERGENEKON; ETO.s operations have been underway for along time in Turkey but the first documentation about ETO has begun in 1999 and the document titled "ERGENEKON" was the constitution of the organization, whereas the other documents only constituted as subsidiaries to the organization.


Goal of Seizing the Power of State:

Suspects aimed to seize the power of state by infiltrating the all levels of government after various attempts.

Creating Chaos And Disruptions To Result A Coup (Plans And Actions):

In this context;

* Flag burnings, use of provocative chanting during the funeral ceremonies of martyr soldiers and mass meetings aiming to create an ethnic conflict between Turkish and Kurdish populations were all organized and orchestrated by the members of ERGENEKON (As it was stated by I.. SELÇUK: "There are only two things left: There might be still hope, if the economic crise follows the AK party closing trial along with some more chaos").
* Both Gazi incidents and Hablemitog(lu murder were instructed by Veli KÜÇÜK.
* The attack plans against the Supreme Court of Appeals (YARGITAY), the NATO establishments in Izmir province and the crossover in front of the General Staff (the pictures, photos as well as sketches and notes regarding to these plans were all later found in the suspect.s homes and offices).
* The bombing of Cumhuriyet Newspaper and Council Of State (DANIS,TAY) shooting were all enthused in accordance to Ergenekon plans.
* The assassination plans against then-the chief of the Army Yas,ar BÜYÜKANIT.
* The seized documents indicated the establishment of so-called "National Forces" within the Turkish Armed Forces and planning of a coup by these forces.
* The documents, Phosphorescence (Yakamoz), Moonlight (Ay?s,?g?), and Glove (Eldiven), which were seized from the suspects, S,ener ERUYGUR, Hasan Atilla UG(UR, and Hurs,it TOLON, revealed the procedures of the coup as well as the plans aiming to unify all civil societies under the National Force Union.


The official investigation detected the following names as the armed commando units:


2 Abdulmuttalip TONÇER


4 Cos,kun ÇALIK

5 Emin Caner YI.G(I.T

6 Erol ÖLMEZ

7 Kahraman S,AHI.N

8 Muhammet YÜCE

9 Murat ÇAG(LAR



12 Selim AKKURT



A- Infiltration to State for its organizational goals

B- The Illegal financial activities

C- Money Laundering Operations

D- Armed and Violent Operations

All the categories such criminal behaviors were stated in the document titled Re-structure of the State and the members have acted based on the stated goals within this document.


a) Secret Military Structure

1. Intelligence Unit

2. Operation Unit

3. Analysis and Evaluation Unit

4. Research Unit (So-called Commandership) within the Organiztion

b) Secret Units within the State Structure

1. Within the Legal Branch

2. Within the National Intelligence (MIT)

3. Within the National Police

4. Within the Academia

5. Within the other government branches.

c) Civillian Structure

1. Department of Theory Development and Planning

2. Department of Funding

3. Department of Non-governmental Organizations

4. Department of Mass Communication and Media

5. Private Security Companies

d) Organized Crime Structure

e) Fabricated (Artificial) Terror Organizations


According to Re-structure of the State document; CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION of Ergenekon should be established based on four commands and two civillian chiefteins:

1. Ergenekon Council

2. Intelligence Unit Command

3. Intelligence Analysis and Evaluation Command

4. Operational Unit Command

5. Logistical Unit Command

6. Theory Development and Planning Chair (civillian)

For example under the Control Unit; "It is an absolute necessity that this unit should not be known by anyone but the head or commander of Ergenekon. This unit must take its place in every operation and its primary duty is to clean up and handle the problems that might appear during an operation as well as to KILL A DOUBLE-AGENT, who has betrayed the organization, and/or was captured by the state forces and/or has acted against the rules and policies of the organization."


So far the official investigation revealed that I.lhan SELÇUK, Veli KÜÇÜK, Dog(u PERI.NÇEK, Muzaffer TEKI.N, Kemal Yalç?n ALEMDAROG(LU and M. Fikri KARADAG( were upper management people and the ones making important and secret decisions in the behalf of ETO.

Veli KÜÇÜK & Muzaffer TEKI.N ? in charge of communication with leadership of ERGENEKON; served as the intermediarypeople between LOBI ERGENEKON civilian structure and the ETO leadership; established direct contact to non-governmental organizations and National Forces Societies (Kuvay? Milliye Dernekleri) as well as the masterminds (along with Sevgi ERENEROL and Kemal KERI.NÇSI.Z) of the activities done by these societies.

Fikri KARADAG( ? Founder of the National Forces Society. Participated in the open and secret meetings that took place atSevgi ERENEROL.s church; always consulted his opinions to the people, who joined these meetings. Established the armed wing of the organization as well as the intelligence units under the National Forces Society.

April 9-11, 2010

Turkish Ergenekon "Deep State" conspiracy linked to neocon Washington think tanks

According to senior Turkish government, media, and civil society officials, the Turkish Ergenekon network, a successor to a Cold War-era Gladio stay-behind network established by NATO and the CIA in Turkey, Italy, West Germany, Spain, and other western European countries, is linked to neoconservative think tanks in Washington that all toe the pro-Israeli line.

The neocon think tanks, which, according to a senior Turkish government official, are indistinguishable from the Israel and right-wing Jewish lobbies in the United States. The Turkish Ergenekon network, centered in the military, MIT intelligence organization, certain Turkish think tanks, and among certain Turkish professors, has received assistance and encouragement from Israel's Mossad intelligence and Israel's supporters in the United States to step up the propaganda line that Turkey's reform-minded Justice and Development Party (AKP) is steering Turkey away from Europe and toward an Islamist and pro-Arab foreign policy. In fact, after a week in Turkey, WMR has witnessed first hand that the AKP's goals are to change Turkey's Constitution, imposed after two military coups d'etat, and guarantee freedom of speech, the press, minority and women's rights, and religious freedom for Christians, Jews, Alawites, and even atheists.

However, not happy with Turkey's probe of Ergenekon, which could spread to similar exposures of "deep state" operations in Azerbaijan, Syria, Egypt, and Lebanon, Israel has martialed its media and propaganda resources in Washington, DC and Turkey to paint Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan as a radical Islamist intent on transforming Turkey into an Islamic state in the mold of Libya's Muammar Qaddafi. The charges against Erdogan and his government have also been influenced because of the Turkish government's condemnation of Israel's attacks on Gaza and Lebanon, annexation of Palestinian territory in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and Turkey's rapprochement with Syria. One senior Turkish Member of Parliament said that Turkey had even been likened to Malaysia by its detractors in the West.

French President Nicolas Sarkozy, eager to please the neocons and his Israeli friends, has been vehement in opposition to Turkey's membership in NATO. A Turkish MP said Sarkozy was nothing more than a racist. However, Sarkozy may be more concerned about Turkey than its recent criticism of Israel's policies in Gaza and East Jerusalem. If the Turkish government's investigation continues, it may reveal that Ergenekon-like "Deep States," with ties to the Turkish covert network, exist in other countries, including France. If there was an investigation of France's "Deep State," certain information on who and what funded and organized the France-wide arson attacks that propelled Sarkozy into office may be revealed. That, coupled with the real story behind the Clearstream bank account in Luxembourg that laundered money to politicians -- including Sarkozy -- may become a major problem for Sarkozy. The use of false flag terrorist attacks by Ergenekon in Turkey may also lead to similar attacks in other countries, including France and Germany, where Chancellor Angela Merkel has also expressed opposition to Turkey's membership in NATO.

A senior Turkish broadcast media official also charged that the neocon-constructed global villain, Osama Bin Laden, is being manipulated by certain quarters through the release of a series of audio tapes of questionable authenticity.

Israel and the neocons in the United States have purposely distorted what Ergenekon actually is, according to the Turkish media official. The demonization of Turkish reform parties pre-dates the neocon assault on the AKP. The AKP's root party, which did not share all the reform planks of the AKP, the Refah (Welfare) Party, was also also attacked when it was elected to office. It was ousted in 1998 when Turkey's military power guarantor, the Constitutional Court, ruled it illegal.

The AKP is seeking to amend the Constitution to eliminate the Constitutional Court's power since it retains the ability, according to the present Constitution, to declare the AKP, which won the last electrion with 47 percent of the vote, illegal and force it from power. The AKP continues to enjoy widespread support with a 42 percent favorability rating in the polls. The AKP's reforms are being resisted by the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), which has been supportive of the chief Ergenekon conspiracists. Ironically, the CHP, a right-wing party, is afforded membership status in Socialist International.

Like the AKP, Refah stood accused by the Turkish "Deep State," operating through the Constitutional Court, of trying to impose an Islamic theocracy on Turkey.

The Turkish Deep State, also known as the Ergenekon network, has a parallel network operating in the United States that is trying to demonize the AKP by claiming it is attempting to overturn the secular state of Turkey. In reality, Ergenekon, working with Israeli and select Jewish interests in the United States, is trying to preserve the fascistic state established by Mustapha Kemal Ataturk after World War I. It is a state that suppressed not only the freedom of religion for Muslims, but also for Christians.

WMR has obtained details of the intelligence being collected on the American wing of Ergenekon, which, like its Turkish parent, is imbued in America's think tanks, universities, and military-industrial complex.

For example, Cetin Dogan, the former commander-in-chief of the First Army of Turkey based in Istanbul, is the father-in-law of Danni Rodrik, the Rafik Hariri professor of international political economy at Harvard University who has defended his father-in-law from accusations of involvement in Ergenekon. It just so happens that Dogan is accused of launching in November 2003 false flag terrorist bombings of the British Consulate and HSBC bank in Istanbul to whip up ferver against the AKP government. The false flag attack, blamed on "Al Qaeda," killed 27 people, including British Consul General Roger Short. British Prime Minister Tony Blair and President George W. Bush jumped on the "Al Qaeda" bandwagon in condemning the terrorist attacks.

The exposed links of Rodrik to his father-in-law, Dogan, in the Turkish media are discounted by the Ergenekon plotters as anti-Semitic because Rodrik is Jewish. Rodrik and Dogan's daughter, Pinar Dogan, have launched a public relations campaign in the United States in support of General Dogan.

Later, Cetin was named as one of the accused masterminds of OPERATION SLEDGEHAMMER) ("Balyoz"), a plot to detonate bombs in Istanbul.s mosques during Friday prayesr, bomb museums crowded with tourists, and shoot down a Turkish fighter jet and blame it on a Greek attack. The operation was designed to put pressure on the AKP government and then launch a military coup.

Orhan Cengiz, President of the Human Rights Agenda Association and himself a target of Ergenekon -- most visible by the presence of his government-supplied bodyguard -- explained that Ergenekon is a "network of hitmen, conspirators, and many others with international connections." Cengiz also said there are sympathizers who promote Ergenekon and whitewash its activities but are not members of Ergenekon. There are journalists and business people who fall into both categories of members and sympathizers. Cengiz said that the Secretary General of the opposition CHP, Deniz Baykal, is an advocate for Ergenekon.

In addition, Cengiz said Israel wants to use Ergenekon to pressure the Erdogan government away from its reformed foreign policy that seeks new relations with Syria and Iran and is more robust in criticizing Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. There is now a strong alliance between Ergenekon and Israel. Israel's friends and operatives in the pro-Israeli media are painting the investigation of Ergenekon as a "political case with no substance." That theme has been echoed by such pro-Israel entities as The New York Times.

Cengiz said Ergenekon sees itself as the "guardian of the secular system" in Turkey.

Cengiz also stated that there is a strong Ergenekon lobby in the United States and other places, including Russia.

One particular critic of the AKP and the Ergenekon investigation is Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program non-resident senior fellow Gareth Jenkins, a British national. The program is partly sponsored by the U.S. government and has held joint programs with George Soros's Open Society Institute. WMR learned from informed sources that Jenkins's job in Turkey is to talk down the Ergenekon network and destroy the criminal case against it. Our sources revealed that Jenkins has the ears of many foreign ambassadors in Ankara.

Other identified supporters of Ergenekon in Washington, according to Turkish government sources, are former CIA station chief in Kabul and Iran-contra schemer Graham Fuller; arch-neocon Michael Rubin of the American Enterprise Institute; and Zeyno Baran of the neocon Hudson Institute. The Hudson Institute actually hosted one of the Ergenekon generals, Deputy Chief of the Turkish General Staff, Ergin Saygun, at a conference in Washington on November 17, 2006. Baran is married to Matthew Bryza, the U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs and a past interlocutor for neocon-led covert operations in Georgia, Ukraine, and other Caucasus and Black Sea countries.

Another key player in the anti-AKP network in Washington is Soner Cagaptay of the neocon and pro-Israel Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP). Cagaptay is also taking part in an anti-AKP seminar in New York on April 26 sponsored by the pro-Israel Levin Institute.

There are also revelations that Ergenekon attempted to oust Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit in 2002, prior to the AKP's victory in the election. On May 4, 2002, Ecevit became ill and was transported to Baskent University hospital in Ankara. After being sent home, Ecevit fell and broke his rib and was returned to the hospital. Ecevit's condition worsened. The investigation of Ergenekon is now focusing on whether Ergenekon generals were working with Baskent doctors to try to totally incapacitate Ecevit or kill him, thus paving the way for his deputy prime minister, Hüsamettin Özkan of the coalition partner Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), to take over. Ozkan was much more to the liking of the military. The prime minister's wife, Rahsan Ecevit, barred Baskent doctors from seeing her husband.

Ecevit was the first Turkish political leader to expose the existence of the Gladio "stay behind" network in Turkey. He said he first learned of the NATO secret unit in 1974. As Prime Minister between January 26 to November 17, 1974, Ecevit asked to see documents in Gladio. He revealed that he was banned from seeing the Gladio documents by more powerful forces. A few weeks before the 1977 general election, which Ecevit's party won, snipers began firing on a rally of 500,000 people in Taksim Square in Istanbul. The snipers killed 389 people and wounded hundreds of others. Ecevit linked the massacre to Gladio. Ecevit was jailed after being ousted in the military coup led by General Kenan Evren in 1980. Ecevit died on November 5, 2006, after suffering the cerebral hemorrhage the previous May. He had been in an induced coma since the hemorrhage.

Prime Minister Turgut Ozal, the leader of the Motherland Party, from which many AKP leaders began their political careers, narrowly survived an assassination attempt by a Gladio assassin on June 8, 1988. A shooter narrowly missed Ozal's head but he was struck in the finger. The assassination attempt was linked to the head of the Ergenekon nest, the National Security Council. Ozal became President of Turkey in 1989. Ozal died of a suspicious heart attack on 17 April 1993. Ozal's wife Semra, claimed Ozal was poisoned by lemonade. There was no autopsy and blood samples taken from his body disappeared.

Turkey is carrying out an investigation of the secret network discovered by Ecevit. The European Parliament called on all member nations to investigate Gladio in 1990, with little ever accomplished to expose the Deep States throughout Europe.

On November 22, 1990, the European Parliament passed a resolution on Operation Gladio.

Joint resolution replacing B3-2021, 2058, 2068, 2078 and 2087/90

A. having regard to the revelation by several European governments of the existence for 40 years of a clandestine parallel intelligence and armed operations organization in several Member States of the Community,

B. whereas for over 40 years this organization has escaped all democratic controls and has been run by the secret services of the states concerned in collaboration with NATO,

C. fearing the danger that such clandestine network may have interfered illegally in the internal political affairs of Member States or may still do so,

D. whereas in certain Member States military secret services (or uncontrolled branches thereof) were involved in serious cases of terrorism and crime as evidenced by, various judicial inquiries,

E. whereas these organizations operated and continue to operate completely outside the law since they are not subject to any parliamentary control and frequently those holding the highest government and constitutional posts are kept in the dark as to these matters,

F. whereas the various 'Gladio' organizations have at their disposal independent arsenals and military ressources which give them an unknown strike potential, thereby jeopardizing the democratic structures of the countries in which they are operating or have been operating,

G. greatly concerned at the existence of decision-making and operational bodies which are not subject to any form of democratic control and are of a completely clandestine nature at a time when greater Community cooperation in the field of security is a constant subject of discussion,

1. Condemns the clandestine creation of manipulative and operational networks and Calls for a full investigation into the nature, structure, aims and all other aspects of these clandestine organizations or any splinter groups, their use for illegal interference in the internal political affairs of the countries concerned, the problem of terrorism in Europe and the possible collusion of the secret services of Member States or third countries;

2. Protests vigorously at the assumption by certain US military personnel at SHAPE and in NATO of the right to encourage the establishment in Europe of a clandestine intelligence and operation network;

3. Calls on the governments of the Member States to dismantle all clandestine military and paramilitary networks;

4. Calls on the judiciaries of the countries in which the presence of such military organizations has been ascertained to elucidate fully their composition and modus operandi and to clarify any action they may have taken to destabilize the democratic structure of the Member States;

5. Requests all the Member States to take the necessary measures, if necessary by establishing parliamentary committees of inquiry, to draw up a complete list of organizations active in this field, and at the same time to monitor their links with the respective state intelligence services and their links, if any, with terrorist action groups and/or other illegal practices;

6. Calls on the Council of Ministers to provide full information on the activities of these secret intelligence and operational services;

7. Calls on its competent committee to consider holding a hearing in order to clarify the role and impact of the 'Gladio' organization and any similar bodies;
8. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council, the Secretary-General of NATO, the governments of the Member States and the United States Government."

Turkey, which aspires to become an EU member, is doing more than any EU member in investigating its Gladio offshoot, Ergenekon.

Over the past two decades, three U.S. ambassadors in Ankara, Marc Grossman, Robert Pearson, and Eric Edelman, have been linked, according to those WMR spoke to in Ankara and Istanbul, to Ergenekon, including its Deep State functions in the United States.

The involvement of three U.S. ambassadors in what is known as ETO -- Ergenekon Treror Network -- should make every American pause. In effect, the U.S. State Department had three envoys in Ankara that supported a terrorist organization responsible for, among other atrocities, the following:

Murder of Italian priest Father Andrea Santoro in February 2006

The terrorist attack on the Council of State in 2006

The murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, a prominent Turkish Armenian journalist, in 2007

Trying to assassinate prominent Turkish writer Nobel Laureate Orhan Pamuk

A shooting at the Council of State

A grenade attack on Cumhuriyet, a left-of-center newspaper

Several attacks on priests in Malatya

Several plans to assassinate Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Prime Minister of Turkey

Ergenekon has also been linked to the following terorist groups, which also makes the U.S. embassy in Ankara an aider and abettor of terrorism in Turkey and other countries:

Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)

The extreme-left Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C)

The Islamist organization Hizbullah

The ultranationalist Turkish Revenge Brigades (TI.T)

The Turkish Workers' and Peasants' Liberation Army (TI.KKO)

The Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) and

The Hizb ut-Tahrir (Party of Liberation), an extreme group wishing to reinstate the Islamic Caliphate"

The danger of the Ergenekon investigation resulting in disclosure of its American links has CIA and other U.S. government covert planners, in concert with their Ergenekon counterparts, considering three options:

1. Assassinating Prime Minister Erdogan

2. Convince the Turkish Constitutional Court to declare the governing AKP illegal and close it down.

3. Craft a CHP-Nationalist coalition government that would stop the Ergenekon investigation.

Senior AKP officials fear that the second option, closure of the party, could happen at any moment. The Turkish judicial system is also rife with Ergenekon members and supporters, including the Chief Prosecutor of Istanbul.

The fact that Christians including priests and Protestant missionaries, have been killed by Ergenekon and that the terror network's Washington lobby is supported by American Jews like Grossman and Edelman, and Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) habitués like Pearson, will not sit well with Americans who have been made ignorant of Ergenekon's facts thanks to Israeli Lobby control over the corporate American media. Ergenekon also planned the assassinations of Kurds, Armenians, and Alawites in Operation Cage. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), in switching its support from Turkey to Armenians in supporting the passage of the recent House resolution condemning the World War I-era massacre of the Armenians, may think twice when it becomes common knowledge that American Jewish supporters of Ergenekon have aided in modern-day massacres of Armenians in Turkey. In addition, Freemason and Sephardic Jew, Emanuel Carasso, a Greek emigre to Turkey, provided significant support for the CUP and Young Turks on behalf of the Rothschild banking family. Carasso's son, Daniel, started the food giant Danone, from a small yogurt business.

A senior AKP leader also revealed that Ergenekon is heavily involved in arms smuggling. The official also stated that Ergenekon has extensions of its network in Washington, DC and Moscow and that this involves diplomats, military officers, and civilians. In the planned 2003 Sledgehammer coup against Erdogan, it was discovered that the coup plotters could call on some 40 journalists to support the coup. On the other hand, several other journalists were identified by name among those to be arrested by the coup leaders.

A Turkish government official also admitted that the FBI was ordered to stop its investigation of Turkish bribes and other activities involving the American Turkish Council in Washington because it would "hurt arms smuggling." The details of the investigation into the Turkish smuggling and espionage network were revealed by fired FBI Turkish translator Sibel Edmonds. A number of Turks, including government officials, have either never heard of Edmonds or consider her to be unreliable because the Turkish press contingent in Washington were pressured into either ignoring Edmonds in their copy sent to Turkey from Washington or described her as mentally unstable or unreliable.

One Turkish correspondent in Washington was not as sanguine. After Milliyet correspondent Yasemin Congar reported on the Hudson Institute's connection to Ergenekon she was fired.

The senior AKP official also stated that the Turkish coup plotters are friends of the United States and that this has been the case for quite some time. He recalled when U.S. ambassador to Ankara, James Spain, called the 1980 coup plotters who ousted Ecevit as "our boys."

WMR has obtained a 10-year chronology of Ergenekon activities from 1996 to 2009:

3 November 1996

A traffic accident near the small town of Susurluk, brought illegal organizations to light.

The "deep state" phenomenon has surfaced for the first time by a traffic accident near the small town of Susurluk. A police officer, a deputy and a convicted fugitive were in the same car. This accident, which is called as "Susurluk Scandal", revealed the relations between state, politics and mafia. Civil society supported the investigation by concerted actions called "one minute of darkness for perpetual light". However, Necmettin Erbakan, then the prime minister, declared allegations as nonsense. Despite huge public support, the investigation proved fruitless due to lack of political backing. Lack of political support was the most evident with regard to Veli Küçük. The retired brigadier general, who is now an Ergenekon detainee, refused to testify in front of the Parliamentary Investigation Commission for Susurluk.


The name Ergenekon, as a clandestine organization, was first pronounced.

The name Ergenekon, as a clandestine organization, was first pronounced by Erol Mutercimler, a retired naval officer and a current detainee in the Ergenekon case. Soon after him, journalists Can Dündar and Celal Kazdag(l? wrote a book entitled Ergenekon, pointing to illegal organizations within state in this name. Official recording of the word also corresponds to these dates. At 10 March 1997, Ümit Og(uztan -a current detainee in the Ergenekon case- wrote a petition for the then ongoing Susurluk Commission. In his petition, he mentioned an organization named Ergenekon, and defined this organization as the Turkish Gladio.


First official document was found related with Ergenekon

Tuncay Güney, an Ergenekon suspect, and a key witness of Ergenekon probe, had been investigated due to an ordinary fraud case. During the search at Güney.s office, police found documents about the organizational structure of Ergenekon. Further research had led to some reports prepared by police and intelligence services. However no concrete action was taken.

9 November 2005

Two junior officers were caught red-handed during an illegal bombing.

At 9 November 2005, two junior officers and a PKK informant bombed the Umut Bookstore belonging to Seferi Y?lmaz at the S,emdinli district of Hakkari. One person died during this attack; however perpetrators of the attack were caught by bystanders and delivered to police officers. After the public prosecutor came to place for investigation, fire was opened on the crowd and another person lost his life. The investigations showed that, the car used by the assailants belonged to Gendarmerie Forces. Searches within the car revealed a list of 105 people, three Kalashnikovs belonging to Gendarmerie, bombs and plans of various home and workplaces.

The incident grew, when Yas,ar Büyükan?t, then Commander of the Army, backed these two junior officers by saying "I know them, they are good men". Prosecutor, Ferhat Sar?kaya, expanded the investigation with the claim that the unearthed gang might have connections with high ranking officials, however, he was disbarred by the Supreme Board of Prosecutors and Judges. Two junior officers were sentenced to 39 years. However, the Supreme Court of Appeals decided that a military court should be in charge of the investigation. Both officers were released after their first trial in the military court. Throughout the process, the government was accused by the public for not backing the case just as happened during Susurluk trials.

5 February 2006

Father Andrea Santoro was murdered in Trabzon.

Father Andrea Santoro, who was a Catholic priest in the Santa Maria Church in Trabzon, was murdered by a 16 year old ultranationalist. The murderer was caught after two days with his gun.

5-11 May 2006

Cumhuriyet daily was bombed three times during May 2006.

At 5, 10 and 11 May 2006, Cumhuriyetdaily, a staunchly Kemalist newspaper, has been target of hand grenades three times. Initially, the journal accused the Islamists for being the perpetrators of the attacks, and for aiming to intimidate the Kemalist journal. A large public campaign was started, in which people were called to back the journal and the republic. (Cumhuriyet means republic in Turkish.) However, later on, Ergenekon investigation unearthed that the bombs used in these attacks belonged to the military and has the same cache number with the bombs discovered in Ümraniye, which led to the start of Ergenekon investigation. The journal itself accepted that the bombings were Ergenekon operations two years later, on 15 July 2008.

17 May 2006

Council of State had been attacked; a senior judge was shot dead.

While the political tension was rising, due to the bombings of Cumhuriyetdaily, Alparslan Arslan, who was later discovered to be the perpetrator of these bombings, had attacked the Council of State leaving a senior judge dead. Initially the attack was linked to Islamist extremists, while Alparslan Arslan, found guilty of the Council of State killing, also said he attacked the court in protest of an anti-headscarf ruling it had made. But Ergenekon investigation discovered evidence that, he was connected with Ergenekon. In 17 December 2008, both cases; the bombing of Cumhuriyet and the attack on the Council of State, were merged under the Ergenekon case.

18 January 2007

Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was shot dead in front of his newspaper Agos.

Editor in Chief of Agosdaily, Hrant Dink was shot dead in front of his newspaper Agos, by a 17 year old ultranationalist. The assassin, Ogün Samast, was captured the same day. Hrant Dink was sentenced by the article 301 of Turkish penal code, which punishes denigrating Turkishness. Most of the people who had been involved in filing Dink.s case, are now imprisoned due to Ergenekon case, pointing to the possible involvement of Ergenekon in this murderous plot. After the assassination, Dink.s family declared that, Hrant Dink was suspicious of Veli Küçük.s desire to kill him.

25 March 2007

Nokta journal published "Coup diaries".

A weekly journal Nokta, published the diaries of retired Commander of Navy Özden Örnek. Diaries revealed that during 2004, top commanders in Turkish Armed Forces were plotting a coup d.etat. The mastermind of the plot was seen as S,ener Eruygur, a key suspect in Ergenekon investigation. Örnek denied the diaries and claimed that he had never written them, and filed against the journal. Following week, the headquarters of Nokta was raided by the police and later on Noktaterminated itself due to increasing pressure. However, in the case of investigation, in Mart 2008, it is technically proven that diaries were taken from the personal computer of Özden Örnek. These diaries constitute the backbone of the second Ergenekon indictment, submitted on 10 March 2009.

18 April 2007

Three Christians were killed in an attack at a publishing house in Malatya.

Three months after the Dink assassination, a publishing house in Malatya was attacked and three Christians, one of whom is a German citizen were killed. Likewise in the Dink assassination, the perpetrators were ultranationalist youngsters and they were linked with some of the key Ergenekon suspects. This case was also later merged with Ergenekon on 21 November 2008.

12 June 2007

First Wave-27 hand grenades were found during a police raid to a shanty house in Ümraniye.

27 hand grenades were found during a police raid to a shanty house in Ümraniye. These bombs have the same cache number with the bombs used during the bombings of Cumhuriyet daily. Later, the investigation revealed links with these bombs and the retired officer Muzaffer Tekin. Muzaffer Tekin has links with the Council of State shooter Alparslan Arslan, and also with the retired general Veli Küçük and lawyer Kemal Kerinçsiz. This started the process that led to unearthing of Ergenekon. This police raid and subsequent arrests were later called as the first wave of Ergenekon. In this first wave, the retired Captain Muzaffer Tekin, retired Junior Officers Oktay Y?ld?r?m and Mahmut Öztürk and Bekir Öztürk, head of an ultranationalist group called Kuvva-y? Milliye, were arrested.

26 June 2007

Second Wave-Weapons and explosives were found in Eskis,ehir.

Police raided a house belonging to the mother of the retired Major Fikret Emek and found large amounts of weapons and explosives. Emek has been arrested. Later as the investigation deepened, writer Ergun Poyraz, retired Captain Gazi Güder and four other people got arrested.

21 January 2008

Third Wave-Veli Küçük got arrested.

31 people including retired Brigadier General Veli Küçük, retired Colonel and also head of an ultranationalist group called Kuvva-y? Milliye, Fikri Karadag(, retired Captain Mehmet Zekeriya Öztürk, lawyer Kemal Kerinçsiz, Aks,am columnist Güler Kömürcü, the spokesperson of the Turkish Orthodox Patriarchate Sevgi Erenerol, Susurluk case convict Sami Hos,tan, mafia leaders Sedat Peker, Ali Yasak (known as Drej Ali) and Ümit Og(uztan got arrested. During the interrogation of the suspects, police reached to a death list which includes, Nobel Laureate Orhan Pamuk, journalist Fehmi Koru, mayor of Diyarbak?r Osman Baydemir, and deputies of DTP Ahmet Türk, Sabahat Tuncel and former deputy Leyla Zana. According to the list, Orhan Pamuk was the first target and even two people were hired for the assassination.

21 February 2008

Fourth Wave-Academics got arrested.

Associate Professors Emin Gürses and Ümit Sayin, journalist Vedat Yenerer, businessman Hayrettin Ertekin and Muammer Karabulut got arrested.

21 March 2008

Fifth Wave - Dog(u Perinçek and I.lhan Selçuk were detained, Perinçek got arrested

13 people including Dog(u Perinçek, leader of the Workers. Party, Kemal Alemdarog(lu, former president of I.stanbul University, I.lhan Selçuk, chief columnist of the Cumhuriyetdaily were detained. Alemdarog(lu and Selçuk were released, while Perincek was arrested.

26 March 2008

Coup diaries were verified.

Coup diaries that had been published at the April of 2007, by Noktajournal were techically proven to be extracted from the personal computer of Özden Örnek. Alper Görmüs,, chief editor of Nokta journal acquitted from the cases filed against him, but the court also ruled that there is no need for further investigation. These diaries are part of the second indictment of Ergenekon case.

13 June 2008

Taraf daily unraveled a secret meeting between Osman Paksüt and I.lker Bas,bug(.

Taraf daily claimed that, Osman Paksüt, Deputy President of the Constitutional Court, and I.lker Bas,bug(, then the Commander of Army, met on 4 March 2008, two weeks before the filing of closure case against AKP. After initial denial, both sides confirmed the meeting.

5 July 2008

Sixth Wave-Retired generals were arrested.

Police detained the former Commander of the Gendermarie General S,ener Eruygur, former Commander of the 1. Army General Hurs,it Tolon, Sinan Aygün, a businesman and the chairman of the Ankara Chamber of Commerce (ATO), and Mustafa Balbay, Cumhuriyet's Ankara representative. Eruygur and Tolon were arrested, while Balbay and Aygün were released, but Balbay got arrested again at 06 March 2009.

7 July 2008

"Eldiven" (Glove) coup plot was discovered.

Documents that were found in the office of S,ener Eruygur, revealed a third coup plan other than the two plans that were revealed by the coup diaries. After the failure of Yellow girl and Moonlight, Eruygur seems to have lost the support of the other commanders, and according to the Eldiven document, he planned a coup himself. During the same search, it is also revealed that Eruygur filed documents about the then Chieff of Staff Yas,ar Büyükan?t.

9 July 2008

American Consulate was attacked.

Three police officers and the assault were shot dead during the fight. It is found that Erkan Karg?n, one of the assailants, had several phone contacts with some of the Ergenekon suspects.

9 July 2008

Özkök made an interview with the Milliyet daily; he didn.t deny the allegations at the coup diaries.

At the interview he gave to Milliyetdaily, Hilmi Özkök, former Chieff of Staff didn.t deny the allegations that, during his term some of the top commanders had been involved in a coup plot. When asked about testifying in front of the court, he said that he would think about it when the time comes. At April 2009, he secretly testified to the prosecutors of Ergenekon investigation.

14 July 2008

First indictment was presented to the court.

First indictment was presented to the 13th Branch of the Istanbul Court for Serious Crimes and the court accepted the indictment at 25th of July, thus the trial started officially. Suspects arrested after the fifth wave and the allegations related with coup diaries are not included in this indictment. Detainees between the sixth and tenth waves and the coup diaries are included in the second indictment. The first indictment is 2455 pages long and it includes many shady events in Turkey.s history like the assassination of Ug(ur Mumcu, a prominent journalist and the Gazi events and the recent attacks on the Cumhuriyet buildings and the attack on the Council of State.

23 July 2008

Police launched the seventh wave of arrests.

A new wave of arrests in the Ergenekon investigation has targeted senior members of the Workers' Party, and staff members of the conservative Milli Çözüm (National Solution) magazine. According to reports, police detained 26 people around the country under the direction of the Istanbul Prosecutor's Office.

14 August 2008

Retired Colonel Arif Dog(an was arrested.

Police raided the home of retired colonel Arif Dog(an, and found large amounts of explosives and weapons (2 kalashnikoves, 1000 bullets, 1000 empty bullets and 280 hand grenades). Dog(an was arrested. Dog(an has worked as the Diyarbak?r chief of JI.TEM before Veli Küçük. With his arrest, the Ergenekon probe has passed towards the east of Euphrates, meaning that illegal acts and organizations formed during the war on terror in the Southeastern Turkey will be investigated for the first time. In the course of investigation, it is found that Dog(an had transferred one million dollars to one of his relatives in USA, while he was serving at Yalova. The source of the money is yet unidentified.

3 September 2008

Kocaeli Garrison Commander, visited the Ergenekon detainee generals, on behalf of Turkish Armed Forces.

Three days after the appointment of I.lker Bas,bug( as the new Chieff of Staff, Kocaeli Garrison Commander Lieut. Gen. Galip Mendi paid a visit to imprisoned generals S,ener Eruygur and Hurs,it Tolon. The visit is made public by a statement posted on the website of General Staff. The statement declared that, the visit is made on behalf of the Turkish Armed Forces.

18 September 2008

Eighth wave was launched.

At the eighth wave of arrests at Ergenekon probe, acting officers are arrested for the first time. Five lieutenants and a military school student, Levent Temiz, former head of Nationalist Hearths, artist Nurseli I.diz and talent agent Seyhan Soylu are among the eleven detainees. The lieutenants are accused to be part of Headquarter Homes (Karargah Evleri), a sub branch of Ergenekon.

23 September 2008

Ninth wave was launched.

Sixteen more people were arrested including journalist Tuncay Özkan, a former police chief Adil Serdar Saçan and former mayor of Esenyurt district of Istanbul Gürbüz Çapan.

20 October 2008

Ergenekon trial began.

The trial started by the reading of the indictment.

17 Aral?k 2008

Council of State attack case was merged with the Ergenekon investigation.

Supreme Court of Appeals decided that May 2006 Council of State attack case should be merged with the Ergenekon investigation. 11th Branch of the Ankara Court for Serious Crimes, which was ruling the Council of State attack case approved this decision in 19 April 2009. Finally 13th Branch of the Istanbul Court for Serious Crimes, which rules the Ergenekon case, merged the two cases.

7 January 2009

Tenth Wave-General K?l?nç, Major General S,enel and former president of the Higher Education Board, Prof. Kemal Gürüz detained.

During the police raids that had been conducted simultaneously in twelve provinces around the country, 37 people were arrested. The former General-Secretary of the National Security Council (MGK) Tuncer Kilinc, retired Major General Erdal Senel, the former head of the Special Operations Unit, Ibrahim Sahin, the former president of the Higher Education Board, Prof. Kemal Gürüz, writer Yalç?n Küçük, Lieutenant Colonel Mustafa Dönmez who is still on duty (disappeared during the operations but surrendered five days later), retired General Kemal Yavuz are among the detainees. The operation started when the police noticed that Ibrahim S,ahin ordered the assassination of the leaders of the Armenian community in Sivas.

Security teams also searched the buildings of the I.STEK Foundation and Yeditepe University owned by former Istanbul Mayor Bedrettin Dalan and the home of Sabih Kanadog(lu, honorary chief judge of the Supreme Court of Appeals. At 20 of April, large amounts of weaponry and explosives were found in the lands belonging to I.STEK Foundation.

08 January 2009

Arms caches were unearthed at various places.

Turkish police launched a series of searches after sketches were found at the home of I.brahim S,ahin, who was arrested a day before. The largest cache of weaponry and explosives were found in the Gölbas,? district of Ankara. Police also found explosives in Sincan Ankara, based on the sketches found at the house of Lieutenant Colonel Mustafa Dönmez, another Ergenekon detainee of tenth wave. The grenades found in Sincan were identical to the grenades that had been found in Ümraniye at 12 June 2007. Other than these two, smaller arms caches were unearthed at Ankara, Trabzon, Antalya, Sakarya and Sivas.

At 19 June 2009 military prosecutors confirmed that the sketch found at the house of Dönmez was drawn by him and filed charges against Dönmez, demanding up to 12 years in prison. Additionally, in the indictment prosecutor stated that hand grenades found in Dönmez's home had been supplied to the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) by the state-owned Turkish Mechanical and Chemical Industry Corporation (MKE).

14 January 2009

Ergenekon fugitive, Brigadier General Levent Ersöz, was captured in Ankara.

One of the key suspects of the Ergenekon case, retired Brigadier General Levent Ersöz, who fled to Moscow when he learned he was wanted, was apprehended at an Ankara hospital yesterday. He has been wanted by police since July 2008. Later day, police found wiretapping records of former Chief of General Staff Hilmi Özkök.s phone conversations at Ersöz.s home.

15 January 2009

Interrogation of Tuncer K?l?nç evoked a new debate on "Encümen-i Danis," (Consultation Council)

After it is revealed that the Ergenekon prosecutors questioned former General-Secretary of the National Security Council (MGK) Tuncer K?l?nc, a detainee of tenth wave, about Encümen-i Danis,, this led to a new public debate on whether Encümen-i Danis, is the high council of the Ergenekon or not. Encümen-i Danis, which means Consulation Council, consists of all high profile members like retired top commanders, retired bureaucrats, diplomats and former politicians. Members of the Council confirmed the bi-weekly secret meetings, but denied any link with Ergenekon.

22 January 2009

Eleventh wave was launched.

A total of 20 police officers from the Special Forces unit and army officers, who have connections with former police chief I.brahim S,ahin, were detained in operations waged in 15 provinces within the scope of the 11th wave of operation Ergenekon. The operation, which was conducted 15 days after the 10th wave, covered major cities such as Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir, as well as Turkey's southeastern provinces. Mustafa Özbek, the chairman of Turkish Metal Union, Erhan Göksel, the chairman of Verso Center of Political Research, were among the latest detainees in the operation.

27 February 2009

Voice record of Karaday? was revealed through internet.

A voice record belonging to the Former Chieff of Staff Hakk? Karaday? started circulating through internet. In this recorded speech, Karaday? unravels how he intervened in the presidential election process and also he talks about the roles he undertook during the previous coups in Turkey.

06 March 2009

Mustafa Balbay was arrested.

Cumhuriyet's Ankara representative Mustafa Balbay was arrested. Later at 16 March, documents revealed at his computer were published in a web based news portal. ( In these documents, Balbay explains his coup plans in detail. So far, neither Balbay nor the Cumhuriyet daily where he used to work denied the diaries.

08 March 2009

Death wells were opened.

At 8 March, upon the request of the public prosecutor, acid wells claimed as death wells, were opened for investigation in the Cizre district of Sirnak. At 14 March, 22 bones and a human skull aside some clothing were found. At 23rd of March, Cemal Temizöz who served in the region during 1990-1996 was arrested at Kayseri.

10 March 2009

Second indictment was submitted.

Second indictment was submitted. The trials of this indictment will start at 20 July. This indictment, nearly 2000 pages covers the detainees from the sixth wave to ninth wave. A third indictment will be prepared for the later waves.

The indictment is composed of five chapters. The first chapter summarizes the first indictment and the second gives information about the "Ergenekon" organization. The third and the fourth chapters list activities and crimes committed by the organization. And the final chapter includes individual acts of the suspects.

13 April 2009

Twelfth Wave-University rectors were arrested.

At least 18 people, including the current Bas,kent University rector and three former university rectors, were detained. Mehmet Haberal current rector of Bas,kent University, Professor Fatih Hilmiog(lu, former rector of I.nönü University in the southeastern province of Malatya, Professor Ferit Bernay, former rector of Ondokuz May?s University in the Black Sea province of Samsun, and Professor Mustafa Yurtkuran, former rector of Uludag( University in the western province of Bursa, are among the detainees. Professor Erol Manisal?, daily Cumhuriyet columnist and retired lecturer at Istanbul University, was also detained in Istanbul.

20 April 2009

Arms cache was found in the land belonging to I.STEK Foundation.

Many weapons and bombs were unearthed in an excavation that was conducted as part of the Ergenekon probe on land that belonged to the I.STEK Foundation in Istanbul.s Poyrazköy district. The items found included 2,000 bullets, five booby traps, 10 hand grenades, 13 fog bombs, 11 light anti-tank weapons, 23 emergency flares and a number of 50-millimeter bomb fuses. The foundation said it was a protected area and a military training zone, implying that weaponry should be belonging to military. At 29 April, military disproved this statement, and also claimed that none of the weapons found belonged to the military. However, a 10-page report by the supplier Makina Kimya Enstitüsü sent to the Prosecutor.s Office showed that the weapons found in Poyrazköy were sent to the army, navy, air force, gendarmerie and special forces. Owner of the foundation, Bedrettin Dalan is an Ergenekon fugitive currently in USA.

18 May 2009

Türkan Saylan died.

Türkan Saylan, whose house had been raided during the twelfth wave, died of cancer. Her funeral at 19 May, attracted large crowds

4 June 2009

Thirteenth Wave- Army officers are arrested as part of an investigation into the ammunition found in Poyrazköy.

Twenty people, including 16 army officers on active duty, were detained in simultaneous operations conducted in five Turkish provinces. It was claimed that the detained soldiers had ties to retired major Levent Pektas, who was earlier arrested in relation to the arms cache found in Poyrazköy, Istanbul.

10 June 2009

Hundredth hearing in the Ergenekon trial was held.

Ergenekon trial which started at 20 October 2008, held its hundredth hearing in 10 June 2009. Thus hundred hearings had been held in this 233 days.

12 June 2009

Taraf daily published a military action plan targeting the ruling JDP and the Gülen community.

Taraf daily published the document of an action plan, captured in the last wave of Ergenekon. The document is prepared and signed by Colonel Dursun Çiçek, who is still on active duty. The plan is said to contain efforts to end the activities of religious movements, particularly the AKP government and the Gülen group. The plan called for the Gülen community to be declared an armed terror organization by having the police "find" artillery in the community.s houses. Other actions proposed in the plan are said to have been meant to leave the impression that the Gülen community is in cooperation with the outlawed Kurdistan Workers. Party, or PKK; in contact with institutions like the CIA and MOSSAD; and behind the Ergenekon case. The plan also reportedly includes efforts to discredit the National Education Ministry.

Few days later, at the 16th of June, JDP filed a criminal complaint with the prosecutors, and prime minister said that his party would not remain silent. Military also started an investigation, but the military prosecutors ruled at 23rd of June that the document was a forgery and there was no need for the prosecution of Dursun Çiçek.

25 June 2009

Turkish Parliament paved the way for civilian courts to try military personnel.

Turkey's parliament has passed legislation aimed at meeting European Union membership criteria to ensure military personnel are tried in civilian courts during peacetime rather than in military courts. The legislation passed on Friday requires civilian courts to try members of the armed forces who are accused of crimes including threats to national security, constitutional violations, organizing armed groups and attempts to topple the government. The change to the penal code also says civilians cannot be tried in military courts unless the country is in a state of martial law or at war.

At 26th June, I.lker Bas,bug(, the Chieff of Staff, made a press conference reflecting the unrest of military with regard to the debates on the action plan published by Taraf, and the legislative changes that enables the military personnel to be tried by civilian courts. Despite voting affirmatively for the legislation, secularist Republican People's Party (CHP) later applied the top court at 13 July in order to annul the law. At 23rd July, the top court accepted to deal with the change.

30 June 2009

Dursun Çiçek and eight other colonels are investigated by the Ergenekon prosecutors.

Following the military prosecutor.s ruling that there is no need for the prosecution of Colonel Dursun Çiçek, Ergenekon prosecutors started an investigation of Çiçek and eight other colonels within the scope of Ergenekon probe. Dursun Çiçek was arrested by court order the same day, but was released by a higher court a day later.

16 July 2009

Trial of Colonel Cemal Temizöz with regard to the unsolved murders started.

The most comprehensive case dealing with the unsolved murders in Turkey's southeast started with a court in the southeastern province of Diyarbak?r asserting a serious claim about Col. Cemal Temizöz, the head of the provincial gendarmerie forces in the central Anatolian province of Kayseri. The court alleged that Temizöz forced confessors to kill 20 people within the scope of the "fight against terrorism" when he was commissioned in Cizre town, in the southeastern province of S,?rnak.

18 July 2009

Top Court Didn.t Allow Probe of Osman Paksüt

Turkey.s highest court announced that there was no need to launch an investigation of the court.s vice president, Osman Paksüt, regarding his alleged involvement with suspects in the ongoing Ergenekon probe and leaking court information. The decision constitutes a precedent in the ongoing Ergenekon case.

Discussing the case on Friday, the top court concluded that court member Osman Paksüt leaked information to the third parties on the closure case of the AKP but decided not to launch an investigation into him on grounds that the collected evidence was illegal as he had his phone tapped without court approval. The top court voted 10-1 against any investigation into Osman Paksüt.

20 July 2009

Ergenekon Case.s Second Phase started

The Istanbul High Criminal Court has begun trying 56 suspects under the second indictment of the "Ergenekon" probe. The 1909-page indictment includes accusations against 56 suspects including retired generals Hursit Tolon and Mehmet Sener Eruygur. 16 of those suspects have already been under arrest. Prosecutors demanded aggravated life imprisonment for 13 suspects of the Ergenekon probe. The court is expected to decide first whether to merge the second case with the first one in which 86 other people are already on trial for their alleged involvement in the organization. They are also accused of planning assassinations and bombings to sow chaos and overthrow the government.

20 July 2009

Third Indictment was submitted to the court.

The Ergenekon prosecutors submitted the third indictment of the Ergenekon probe to the I.stanbul Higher Criminal Court, where the current hearing of Ergenekon suspects goes on. The indictment is 1454 pages and indicts 52 people 37 of whom are still under arrest. The suspects were arrested between Jan. 10, 2009 and April 17, 2009. (11th wave and later on)

27 July 2009

HSYK (The Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors) and Justice Ministery reached a compromise on the appointment of Ergenekon prosecutors.

Earlier, members of HSYK demanded the reassignment of the judges and prosecutors of the ongoing Ergenekon probe, while Justice Ministry resisted this demand. This led to a three week deadlock which was finally resolved on 27 July with the decision that Ergenekon prosecutors would keep their positions, but a second name, Istanbul Vice Chief Public Prosecutor Olcay Seçkin, would also be assigned to the prosecution team. Ministry of Justice would launch an inquiry into the complaints and charges against the Ergenekon prosecutors, if sufficient evidence exists. Three week deadlock created a huge public controversy, while both HSYK and ministry accused each other for exceeding their powers. The debates were triggered when the photos of a meeting between Ali Suat Ertosun, a member of HSYK, and Engin Ayd?n, an Ergenekon suspect, appeared on the journals.

At 26th June, I.lker Bas,bug(, the Chieff of Staff, made a press conference reflecting the unrest of military with regard to the debates on the action plan published by Taraf, and the legislative changes that enables the military personnel to be tried by civilian courts. Despite voting affirmatively for the legislation, secularist Republican People's Party (CHP) later applied the top court at 13 July in order to annul the law. At 23rd July, the top court accepted to deal with the change.


Former Italian President Francesco Cossiga said the following about Ergenekon on February 17, 2009: "Turkish Gladio was unique. Turkey was on the Gladio coordination committee, but it was not on the political committee. The Turkish organization had a more independent structure. I can assure you that Turkey always held a special place. Turkey never allowed NATO to interfere in its internal affairs. I have no evidence but it seems that Turkish army maintained the Gladio structure in order to preserve the secular system." On continuing the investgation of the Turkish deep state, Felice Casson, the prosecutor of Gladio in Italy. declared on April 28, 2008: "You must go to the end in the investigation. There are such significant accusations that you have to go to the end to clarify things. Otherwise this is so dangerous for democracy."

However, there are interests in Washington, including President Obama, who want to see the Turks end their investigation of Ergenekon. Some people are getting nervous where the Ergenekon road will lead and many of them are in America's capital city and in the offices overlooking Old Jerusalem.